The historian A. T. Q. Stewart once remarked that in Ireland all history is applied history-that is, the study of the past prosecutes political conflict by other means. Indeed, nearly twenty years after the 1998 Belfast Agreement, "dealing with the past" remains near the top of the political agenda in Northern Ireland. The essays in this volume, by leading experts in the fields of Irish and British history, politics, and international studies, explore the ways in which competing "social" or "collective memories" of the Northern Ireland "Troubles" continue to shape the post-conflict political landscape. The contributors to this volume embrace a diversity of perspectives: the Provisional Republican version of events, as well as that of its Official Republican rival; Loyalist understandings of the recent past as well as the British Army's authorized for-the-record account; the importance of commemoration and memorialization to Irish Republican culture; and the individual memory of one of the noncombatants swept up in the conflict. Tightly specific, sharply focused, and rich in local detail, these essays make a significant contribution to the burgeoning literature of history and memory. The book will interest students and scholars of Irish studies, contemporary British history, memory studies, conflict resolution, and political science. Contributors: Jim Smyth, Ian McBride, Ruan O'Donnell, Aaron Edwards, James W. McAuley, Margaret O'Callaghan, John Mulqueen, and Cathal Goan.

This volume of essays explores United Irish propaganda and organization, and looks at the forces of revolution before and during the 1798 rebellion. Its scope ranges from high to low politics, and it covers subjects from literary propaganda to art history and the history of religion. It also differs from earlier "bicentenary" volumes by shedding new light on "counter-revolution," repression, and the state, and by shifting the chronological center of gravity away from 1798 toward the immediate aftermath and the longer-term consequences.

The story of the life of Henry Joy McCracken is fused with the history and environs of eighteenth-century Belfast. Of stout Presbyterian stock, McCracken's family were the founders of the Belfast Newsletter, working also as textile merchants, rope-makers and philanthropists. Where the McCrackens and Joys exemplified the economic dynamism and vibrant civic culture of eighteenth-century Belfast, their son in sharp contrast would come to exemplify Irish republican values as a founding member of the Society of the United Irishmen and leader in the Battle of Antrim in 1798. Immersed in the political turbulence and polarisation of the 1790s, this monograph by Jim Smyth, the latest addition to the Life and Times New Series, charts the life and legacy of one of the more socially radical of the United Irishmen leadership. Tracing the force of this revolutionary's presence throughout his youth, his time as a rebel, his term as a prisoner and his ultimate end at the gallows in Cornmarket in 1798, this book honours the endurance of McCracken's story and cements its importance in the popular imagination of the city from which McCracken hailed.

Britain in the 1950s had a distinctive political and intellectual climate. It was the age of Keynesianism, of welfare state consensus, incipient consumerism, and, to its detractors - the so-called 'Angry Young Men' and the emergent New Left - a new age of complacency. While Prime Minister Harold Macmillan famously remarked that 'most of our people have never had it so good', the playwright John Osborne lamented that 'there aren't any good, brave causes left'.Philosophers, political scientists, economists and historians embraced the supposed 'end of ideology' and fetishized 'value-free' technique and analysis. This turn is best understood in the context of the cultural Cold War in which 'ideology' served as shorthand for Marxist, but it also drew on the rich resources and traditions of English empiricism and a Burkean scepticism about abstract theory in general. Ironically, cultural critics and historians such as Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson showed at this time that the thick catalogue of English moral, aesthetic and social critique could also be put to altogether different purposes. Jim Smyth here shows that, despite being allergic to McCarthy-style vulgarity, British intellectuals in the 1950s operated within powerful Cold War paradigms all the same.

The study of Ireland in the explosive decade of the 1790s is a growing area in the study of Irish history. Historians generally focus on on the radical and revolutionary United Irish movement, popular politics, and the lower-class secret society, the Defenders. This volume of essays explores United Irish propaganda and organisation, and looks at the forces of revolution before and during the 1798 rebellion. It also begins to redress imbalances in the historiography of the period by turning to the face of counter-revolution - examining the crisis in law and order, the role of the magistrates, the strength and weaknesses of the state, and the scope and character of the repression following the rebellion. Other essays consider the short-term and longer-term consequences of these momentous events, including their impact upon the churches, the Act of Union, and the politics of early nineteenth-century America.

Britain in the 1950s had a distinctive political and intellectual climate. It was the age of Keynesianism, of welfare state consensus, incipient consumerism, and, to its detractors - the so-called 'Angry Young Men' and the emergent New Left - a new age of complacency. While Prime Minister Harold Macmillan famously remarked that 'most of our people have never had it so good', the playwright John Osborne lamented that 'there aren't any good, brave causes left'.Philosophers, political scientists, economists and historians embraced the supposed 'end of ideology' and fetishized 'value-free' technique and analysis. This turn is best understood in the context of the cultural Cold War in which 'ideology' served as shorthand for Marxist, but it also drew on the rich resources and traditions of English empiricism and a Burkean scepticism about abstract theory in general. Ironically, cultural critics and historians such as Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson showed at this time that the thick catalogue of English moral, aesthetic and social critique could also be put to altogether different purposes. Jim Smyth here shows that, despite being allergic to McCarthy-style vulgarity, British intellectuals in the 1950s operated within powerful Cold War paradigms all the same.