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Since the attacks of September 11, 2001, the tension between civil
rights and public safety has dominated public discourse. On issues
ranging from racial profiling to military tribunals, Americans have
had to ask whether it is possible for the United States to defend
itself against terrorism without violating the values and
principles that lie at the heart of its democratic order. In Rights
vs. Public Safety after 9/11, some of the nation's leading legal
experts and social critics confront this question head-on. The
contributors offer measured, often communitarian, approaches to
topics such as the changes in United States immigration policy
after September 11th, the practical and moral difficulties of
racial profiling, the ethical dilemmas of an emergency response to
a bioterrorist attack, and the role of the government in promoting
national service. This balanced compilation of essays highlights
where government will need to expand its authority in the fight
against terrorism, where it risks overreaching, and how this new
era might strengthen American society.
Since the attacks of September 11, 2001, the tension between civil
rights and public safety has dominated public discourse. On issues
ranging from racial profiling to military tribunals, Americans have
had to ask whether it is possible for the United States to defend
itself against terrorism without violating the values and
principles that lie at the heart of its democratic order. In Rights
vs. Public Safety after 9/11, some of the nation's leading legal
experts and social critics confront this question head-on. The
contributors offer measured, often communitarian, approaches to
topics such as the changes in United States immigration policy
after September 11th, the practical and moral difficulties of
racial profiling, the ethical dilemmas of an emergency response to
a bioterrorist attack, and the role of the government in promoting
national service. This balanced compilation of essays highlights
where government will need to expand its authority in the fight
against terrorism, where it risks overreaching, and how this new
era might strengthen American society.
An intriguing look inside one of the great mathematical mysteries
explains the fundamental elements of the nineteenth-century German
mathematician's discovery and its implications, and features a
profile of Bernhard Reimann and a history of mathematics in
relation to his hypothesis.
There is no irony in the fact that H.L. Mencken is a tall figure in
the history of letters, and Robert Rives La Monte is wholly
forgotten. La Monte, who worked at the Baltimore News as well as
being an editor for the International Socialist Review, was a true
believer in the promise of Socialism. Here he writes six letters
trying to convince H.L. Mencken to reject his selfish ways and
become a comrade in the revolution, to usher in a perfect world of
total equality and universal brotherhood. Mencken, long time writer
for the Baltimore Sun, editor of The American Mercury, and prolific
author and essayist, was the absolute worst choice of target for an
evangelist of the common man. There have been few who were as
openly resolved to a robust Nietzschean individualism. And so, in
one of the turn of the last centuries greatest "flame wars," we
have the Bard of Baltimore's six responses to those appeals. The
battle of the "collective good" versus "individual liberty" still
rages in pitched battles. La Monte's voice is rightfully now just
one of many faceless advocates of class-warfare, and Mencken's
personality survives as the greatest advocate of social Darwinism
and thus ultimately Mencken's own views. "(It) shows how
(Mencken's) political thinking had solidified-hardened, really. The
law of the survival of the fittest, he declares, is "immutable,"
thus making socialism an absurdity; human progress is the product
of the will to power, and all social arrangements failing to take
this fact into account are doomed to failure; inequality is
natural, even desirable, both in and of itself and as an
alternative to mob rule; the world exists to be run by "the
first-caste man." -Terry Teachout, The Skeptic: A Life of H.L.
Mencken "The argument ofMen versus the Manis one we are still
having today. The content of the argument is the relative
desirability of two approaches to our social life. On the one hand
is proposed a society ofmen: a society in which none is allowed to
rise too high above another, a society that subtracts great
resources from the more able in an effort to raise up the less
able. On the other hand is a society ofthe man: a society in which
individuals are left to do what they can with their inherited
capabilities, in conditions of maximum personal freedom and minimal
state control." -John Derbyshire, from the preface
This book is mainly a collection of speeches made and essays
published in 2013. Most of the material appeared on VDARE.com, an
online magazine dedicated to frank discussion of the National
Question, which embraces issues of immigration, population, race,
culture, language, religion, and national identity.
This book is mainly a collection of essays I published between 2001
and 2013. Most of those essays appeared on VDARE.com, an online
magazine dedicated to frank discussion of the National Question.
The penultimate essay in this collection defines the National
Question and offers an answer to it. That essay also describes the
work of VDARE.com in more detail. It concludes with an unofficial
VDARE.com mission statement.
To his fellow conservatives, John Derbyshire makes a plea: Don't be
seduced by this nonsense about "the politics of hope." Skepticism,
pessimism, and suspicion of happy talk are the true characteristics
of an authentically conservative temperament. And from Hobbes and
Burke through Lord Salisbury and Calvin Coolidge, up to Pat
Buchanan and Mark Steyn in our own time, these beliefs have kept
the human race from blindly chasing its utopian dreams right off a
cliff.
Recently, though, various comforting yet fundamentally idiotic
notions of political correctness and wishful thinking have taken
root beyond the "Kumbaya"-singing, we're-all-one crowd. These ideas
have now infected conservatives, the very people who really should
know better. The Republican Party has been derailed by legions of
fools and poseurs wearing smiley-face masks.
Think rescuing the economy by condemning our descendents to lives
of spirit-crushing debt. Think nation-building abroad while we
slowly disintegrate at home. Think education and No Child Left
Behind. . . . But don't think about it too much, because if you do,
you'll quickly come to the logical conclusion: We are doomed.
Need more convincing? Dwell on the cheerful promises of the
diversity cult and the undeniable reality of the oncoming
demographic disaster. Contemplate the feminization of everything,
or take a good look at what passes for art these days. Witness the
rise of culturism and the death of religion. Bow down before your
new master, the federal apparatchik. Finally, ask yourself: How
certain am I that the United States of America will survive, in any
recognizable form, until, say, 2022?
A scathing, mordantly funny romp through today's dismal and
dismaler political and cultural scene, "We Are Doomed" provides a
long-overdue dose of reality, revealing just how the GOP has been
led astray in recent years-and showing that had conservatives held
on to their fittingly pessimistic outlook, America's future would
be far brighter.
Ladies and gentlemen, it's time to embrace the Audacity of
Hopelessness. "
"
"From the Hardcover edition."
The author gives expert form to the beauty and mystery of the most
abstract of mathematical disciplines - algebra. He brings to life
the cast of characters each of whom, through the centuries and
across the world, played a role in its history.
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