Set in Japan during the early years of World War II, this Reacting to the Past game helps students understand the political and strategic reasons behind Japan's decision to enter the war. Taking on the roles of leading figures in Tokyo-army or navy officers, bureaucrats, and members of the Imperial Court-students are thrust into the middle of Japan's strategic dilemma. Drawing on important works from Japan's past, players must advise the emperor on how to proceed. Will they call for a "strike south" to seize the natural resources of Southeast Asia-even at the risk of war with Great Britain and the United States? Or will they seek an understanding with those nations-even if it means giving up the ideal of a Pan-Asian partnership? Reacting to the Past is an award-winning series of immersive role-playing games that actively engage students in their own learning. Students assume the roles of historical characters to practice critical thinking, primary source analysis, and both written and spoken argument. Adopted by thousands of instructors at all types of institutions, Reacting to the Past games are flexible enough to be used across the curriculum, from first-year general education classes and discussion sections of lecture classes to capstone experiences and honors programs.

The Global Great Depression and the Coming of World War II demonstrates the ways in which the economic crisis of the late 1920s and early 1930s helped to cause and shape the course of the Second World War. Historian John E. Moser points to the essential uniformity in the way in which the world s industrialized and industrializing nations responded to the challenge of the Depression. Among these nations, there was a move away from legislative deliberation and toward executive authority; away from free trade and toward the creation of regional trading blocs; away from the international gold standard and toward managed national currencies; away from chaotic individual liberty and toward rational regimentation; in other words, away from classical liberalism and toward some combination of corporatism, nationalism, and militarism.For all the similarities, however, there was still a great divide between two different general approaches to the economic crisis. Those countries that enjoyed easy, unchallenged access to resources and markets the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and France tended to turn inward, erecting tariff walls and promoting domestic recovery at the expense of the international order. On the other hand, those nations that lacked such access Germany and Japan sought to take the necessary resources and markets by force. The interplay of these powers, then, constituted the dynamic of international relations of the 1930s: have-nots attempting to achieve self-sufficiency through aggressive means, challenging haves that were too distrustful of one another, and too preoccupied with their own domestic affairs, to work cooperatively in an effort to stop them.

"The Global Great Depression and the Coming of World War II" demonstrates the ways in which the economic crisis of the late 1920s and early 1930s helped to cause and shape the course of the Second World War. Historian John E. Moser points to the essential uniformity in the way in which the world s industrialized and industrializing nations responded to the challenge of the Depression. Among these nations, there was a move away from legislative deliberation and toward executive authority; away from free trade and toward the creation of regional trading blocs; away from the international gold standard and toward managed national currencies; away from chaotic individual liberty and toward rational regimentation; in other words, away from classical liberalism and toward some combination of corporatism, nationalism, and militarism.For all the similarities, however, there was still a great divide between two different general approaches to the economic crisis. Those countries that enjoyed easy, unchallenged access to resources and markets the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and France tended to turn inward, erecting tariff walls and promoting domestic recovery at the expense of the international order. On the other hand, those nations that lacked such access Germany and Japan sought to take the necessary resources and markets by force. The interplay of these powers, then, constituted the dynamic of international relations of the 1930s: have-nots attempting to achieve self-sufficiency through aggressive means, challenging haves that were too distrustful of one another, and too preoccupied with their own domestic affairs, to work cooperatively in an effort to stop them."

"An outstanding book. The analysis is strong and the writing smooth. A first-rate contribution."
a"Allan M. Winkler, Miami University"

In 1918, Anglophobia, a permanent fixture of the nineteenth-century American cultural landscape, made a stunning reappearance in American political discourse. Anti-British invective, whether directed against the empire, the monarchy, the aristocracy, or even against Americans suspected of harboring pro-English sympathies, would remain an important determinant of U.S. foreign policy well into the 1940s.

In Twisting the Lion's Tail, John E. Moser roots out the causes and consequences of this resurgent distrust of "perfidious Albion." Through rigorous analysis, Moser shows that twentieth-century American Anglophobia outstrips the two causes which are usually called upon to explain itaisolationist tendencies and the Anglophobia of recent immigrants to the U.S. In addition to these traditional explanations, Moser finds an Anglophobia running far deeper through American culture, rooted in the American national mythology, which continued to cast the British monarchy and empire as antithetical to the ideals of liberty and equality. Twisting the Lion's Tail follows the trajectory of American Anglophobia up to the emerging Cold Warawhen only the global challenge of Stalin's Soviet Union could persuade most Americans that a long-term association with Great Britain was necessary or even desirable.

"How did an eloquent progressive who voted for Norman Thomas in the 1930s become a cheerleader for Joe McCarthy? This well-crafted biography rescues the memory of John T. Flynn, a true American original, and illuminates a large and neglected terrain of twentieth-century political history."
--Michael Kazin, author of "The Populist Persuasion: An American History" and co-author of "America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s"

"An informative, insightful account of the career of a once-popular opinion-maker."
--"Journal of American History"

"John T. Flynn is a subject richly deserving of a scholarly and readable biography, and, thanks to John. E. Moser, he now has one."
--"Chronicles"

aGiven current debates over global intervention and government's role in the economy, this volume could not be more timely.a
--Justus D. Doenecke, author of "Storm on the Horizon: The Challenge to American Intervention, 1939a1941"

"Provides a helpful backdrop to current debaes over social welfare and foreign policy, which have thier roots in another time."
--"Washington Examiner"

"With Right Turn John Moser has made a major contribution to the historical literature of American intellectual dissent. John T. Flynn, the subject of this extremely well written and carefully researched biography, was an eloquent and hyperbolic critic of the developing national security state, the Cold War consensus as well as American imperialism. Moser captures the essence of the man, his many contradictions, his considerable influence, and his great courage. A very good read!"
--Michael Wreszin is author of A Rebel in Defense of Tradition: The Life and Politics of Dwight Macdonald

"Much-neededand well-researched."BR>--"Claremont Review of Books"

John T. Flynn, a prolific writer, columnist for the New Republic, Harper's Magazine, and Collier's Weekly, radio commentator, and political activist, was described by the "New York Times" in 1964 as "a man of wide-ranging contradictions." In this new biography of Flynn, John E. Moser fleshes out his many contradictions and profound influence on U.S. history and political discourse.

In the 1930s, Flynn advocated extensive regulation of the economy, the breakup of holding companies, and heavy taxes on the wealthy. A mere fifteen years later he was denouncing the New Deal as "creeping socialism," calling for an abolition of the income tax, and hailing Senator Joseph McCarthy and his fellow anticommunists as saviors of the American Republic. Yet throughout his career he insisted that he had remained true to the principles of liberalism as he understood them.

It was America's political culture that changed, he argued, and not his values and views. Drawing on Flynn's life and his prolific writings, Moser illuminates how liberalism in America changed during the mid-twentieth century and considers whether Flynn's ideological odyssey was the product of opportunism, or the result of a set of deep-seated principles that he championed consistently over the years. In addition, Right Turn examines Flynn's role in laying the foundations for the "culture war" that would be played out in American society for the rest of the century, helping to define modern American conservatism.

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand on June 28, 1914 by a Serbian nationalist has set off a crisis in Europe. Since the Congress of Vienna in 1815, peace had largely prevailed among the Great Powers, preserved through international conferences and a delicate balance of power. Now, however, interlocking alliances are threatening to plunge Europe into war, as Austria-Hungry is threatening war against Serbia. Germany is allied with Austria-Hungary, while Russia views itself as the protector of Serbia. Britain is torn between fear of a German victory and a Russian one. France supports Russia but also needs Britain on its side. Can war be avoided one more time? Europe on the Brink plunges students into the July Crisis as representatives of the European powers. What choices will they make?