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First published in 1980, this book presents an important critique
of prevailing political doctrine in Western societies at a time of
major change in circumstances of Western civilization. G. Lowell
Field and John Higley stress the importance of a more realistic
appraisal of elite and mass roles in politics, arguing that
political stability and any real degree of representative democracy
depend fundamentally on the existence of specific kinds of elites.
Structural needs for immigrant labor in health care, restaurant,
tourism, agricultural and other economic sectors, together with
harsher economic circumstances in most sending countries, almost
certainly ensure the continuation of large-scale immigration to the
US and Australia. But in harder times, especially in the US,
sustaining this immigration while managing immigrants' economic and
social integration are daunting tasks. This illuminating book
analyzes how well, and in what ways, the US and Australia will meet
these challenges. This companion volume to Nations of Immigrants
examines immigration to the US and Australia during the difficult
economic times following the paralysis of financial firms and
markets in New York and London in autumn 2008, quickly affecting
Australia and most other OECD countries. The contributors -
prominent American and Australian immigration specialists - discuss
how the financial crisis has altered the nexus of domestic labor
markets and immigration, how public fears spurred by harder times
are affecting border protection and support for immigration,
whether serious abrasions between foreign- and native-born
populations are resulting, and the extent to which the politics of
immigration is being transformed. Immigration and the Financial
Crisis will prove a thought provoking read for academics and
students with an interest in immigration, and American and
Australian policy arenas. The book will also prove an invaluable
reference tool for public servants engaged in administering US and
Australian immigration policies.
Bold political elites and unique forms of social order brought the
West to world dominance, but both are weakening dramatically in the
contemporary period. The Endangered West makes the case for the
continuation of Western power on as wide a global basis as is
prudent. Is the survival of Western influence possible, or must we
resign ourselves to its eventually being subordinated to more
ruthless powers? Higley lays out the main policy lines that
successful leadership will have to follow to preserve and
strengthen Western societies. These include avoiding futile
involvements in the internal problems of non-Western countries and
preserving sufficient social order to permit public and private
organizations to function. The West will also have to find a way to
regularize treatment of the growing number of those who lack
employment; invent new forms of useful work for Westerners to
perform; inhibit large in-migrations, and discourage population
growth. Above all, the West must address the threat of
environmental disaster. There is no certain result in the struggle,
but such measures will help to prevent a slide into despotism or a
lapse into barbarism. Half the battle is to hold on to what the
West has and, if possible, extend it. Progress will be made if
elites and opinion leaders address societies' problems more
competently. If the West's prestige is restored, world tensions may
gradually subside, making meeting global problems more possible.
Bold political elites and unique forms of social order brought the
West to world dominance, but both are weakening dramatically in the
contemporary period. The Endangered West makes the case for the
continuation of Western power on as wide a global basis as is
prudent. Is the survival of Western influence possible, or must we
resign ourselves to its eventually being subordinated to more
ruthless powers? Higley lays out the main policy lines that
successful leadership will have to follow to preserve and
strengthen Western societies. These include avoiding futile
involvements in the internal problems of non-Western countries and
preserving sufficient social order to permit public and private
organizations to function. The West will also have to find a way to
regularize treatment of the growing number of those who lack
employment; invent new forms of useful work for Westerners to
perform; inhibit large in-migrations, and discourage population
growth. Above all, the West must address the threat of
environmental disaster. There is no certain result in the struggle,
but such measures will help to prevent a slide into despotism or a
lapse into barbarism. Half the battle is to hold on to what the
West has and, if possible, extend it. Progress will be made if
elites and opinion leaders address societies' problems more
competently. If the West's prestige is restored, world tensions may
gradually subside, making meeting global problems more possible.
This provocative and groundbreaking book challenges accepted wisdom
about the role of elites in both maintaining and undermining
democracy in an increasingly authoritarian world. John Higley
traces patterns of elite political behavior and the political
orientations of non-elite populations throughout modern history to
show what is and is not possible in contemporary politics. He
situates these patterns and orientations in a range of regimes,
showing how they have played out in revolutions, populist
nationalism, Arab Spring failures to democratize, the conflation of
ultimate and instrumental values in today's liberal democracies,
and American political thinkers' misguided assumption that
non-elites are the principal determinants of politics. Critiquing
the optimistic outlooks prevalent among educated Westerners, Higley
considers them out of touch with reality because of spreading
employment insecurity, demoralization, and millennial pursuits in
their societies. Attacks by domestic and foreign terrorists,
effects of climate change, mass migrations from countries outside
the West, and disease pandemics exacerbate insecurity and further
highlight the flaws in the belief that democracy can thrive and
spread worldwide. Higley concludes that these threats to the
well-being of Western societies are here to stay. They leave elites
with no realistic alternative to a holding operation until at least
mid-century that husbands the power and political practices of
Western societies. Drawing on decades of research, Higley's
analysis is historically and comparatively informed, bold, and in
some places dark-and will be sure to foster debate.
This provocative and groundbreaking book challenges accepted wisdom
about the role of elites in both maintaining and undermining
democracy in an increasingly authoritarian world. John Higley
traces patterns of elite political behavior and the political
orientations of non-elite populations throughout modern history to
show what is and is not possible in contemporary politics. He
situates these patterns and orientations in a range of regimes,
showing how they have played out in revolutions, populist
nationalism, Arab Spring failures to democratize, the conflation of
ultimate and instrumental values in today's liberal democracies,
and American political thinkers' misguided assumption that
non-elites are the principal determinants of politics. Critiquing
the optimistic outlooks prevalent among educated Westerners, Higley
considers them out of touch with reality because of spreading
employment insecurity, demoralization, and millennial pursuits in
their societies. Attacks by domestic and foreign terrorists,
effects of climate change, mass migrations from countries outside
the West, and disease pandemics exacerbate insecurity and further
highlight the flaws in the belief that democracy can thrive and
spread worldwide. Higley concludes that these threats to the
well-being of Western societies are here to stay. They leave elites
with no realistic alternative to a holding operation until at least
mid-century that husbands the power and political practices of
Western societies. Drawing on decades of research, Higley's
analysis is historically and comparatively informed, bold, and in
some places dark-and will be sure to foster debate.
First published in 1980, this book presents an important critique
of prevailing political doctrine in Western societies at a time of
major change in circumstances of Western civilization. G. Lowell
Field and John Higley stress the importance of a more realistic
appraisal of elite and mass roles in politics, arguing that
political stability and any real degree of representative democracy
depend fundamentally on the existence of specific kinds of elites.
This compelling and convincing study represents the culmination of
the authors' several decades of research on the pivotal role played
by elites in the success or failure of political regimes. Revising
the classical theory of elites and politics, John Higley and
Michael Burton distinguish basic types of elites and associated
political regimes. They canvas political change during the modern
historical and contemporary periods to identify circumstances and
ways in which the sine qua non of liberal democracy, a consensually
united elite, has formed and persisted. The book considers an
impressive body of cases, examining how consensually united elites
have fostered forty-five liberal democracies and how disunited or
ideologically united elites have thus far prevented liberal
democracy in more than one hundred other countries. The authors
argue that obstacles to the emergence of elites propitious for
liberal democracy are more formidable than democratization
enthusiasts recognize. They assess prospects for the transformation
of disunited and ideologically united elites where they now exist,
ask whether current challenges to Western liberal democracies will
undermine their consensually united elites, and explore what the
rise of the distinctive elite clustered around George W. Bush may
portend for America's liberal democracy. The authors' powerful and
important argument reframes our thinking about liberal democracy
and questions optimistic assumptions about the prospects for its
spread in the twenty-first century.
This compelling and convincing study represents the culmination of
the authors' several decades of research on the pivotal role played
by elites in the success or failure of political regimes. Revising
the classical theory of elites and politics, John Higley and
Michael Burton distinguish basic types of elites and associated
political regimes. They canvas political change during the modern
historical and contemporary periods to identify circumstances and
ways in which the sine qua non of liberal democracy, a consensually
united elite, has formed and persisted. The book considers an
impressive body of cases, examining how consensually united elites
have fostered forty-five liberal democracies and how disunited or
ideologically united elites have thus far prevented liberal
democracy in more than one hundred other countries. The authors
argue that obstacles to the emergence of elites propitious for
liberal democracy are more formidable than democratization
enthusiasts recognize. They assess prospects for the transformation
of disunited and ideologically united elites where they now exist,
ask whether current challenges to Western liberal democracies will
undermine their consensually united elites, and explore what the
rise of the distinctive elite clustered around George W. Bush may
portend for America's liberal democracy. The authors' powerful and
important argument reframes our thinking about liberal democracy
and questions optimistic assumptions about the prospects for its
spread in the twenty-first century.
This distinctive book presents valuable new research on the
political and economic elites that have emerged in Central and
Eastern Europe since the demise of state socialism. Integrating
theoretically informed analysis with fresh empirical data, the
contributors significantly enhance our understanding of the
evolution and interplay of elites in the post-communist period.
Leading experts explore the elite circulations, differentiations,
and competitions that now underpin but in some countries also still
inhibit democratic stability and economic growth. A provocative
concluding chapter assesses the century-long confrontation between
elite theory and Marxism and where they stand today, after state
socialismOs collapse.
Exploring the controversies and problems surrounding post-communist
transitions, this innovative volume brings together a distinguished
group of political scientists, economists, historians, and
sociologists. Within a strong theoretical framework, the book moves
between general issues of transitology and specific analyses.
Hungary, a state that has weathered political and economic
transition more successfully than most, is used as the volume's
case study for illuminating both comparative and regional issues.
By bridging the divide between area studies and comparative
politics, this book will be a key resource for advanced students
and for scholars in East-European/post-communist studies,
comparative politics, and international relations.
Most political regimes, whether authoritarian or democratic, are
born in abrupt, brutal, and momentous crises. In this volume, a
group of prominent scholars explores how these seminal events
affect elites and shape regimes. Combining theoretical and case
study chapters, the authors draw from a wide range of historical
and contemporary examples to challenge mainstream developmental
explanations of political change, which emphasize incremental
changes and evolutions stretching over generations. Instead, the
authors argue here, political leaders and elites possess
significant autonomy and latitude for maneuver, especially in times
of crisis. Elites' choices are frequently decisive in the making of
regimes and the forging of national political histories. Providing
a sustained comparative analysis of elites, their circulation, and
behavior across times and countries, this lucid volume will be
invaluable for scholars and students alike.
This handbook presents a comprehensive view of the current theory
and research surrounding political elites, which is now a pivotal
subject for academic study and public discourse. In 40 chapters by
leading scholars, it displays the field's richness and diversity.
The handbook is organized in six sections, each introduced by a
co-editor, focusing on theories about political elites, methods for
studying them, their main structural and behavioral patterns
worldwide, the differentiation and integration of political elite
sectors, elite attributes and resources, and the dilemmas of
political elites in this century. Forty years since Robert Putnam's
landmark Comparative Study of Political Elites, this handbook is an
indispensable resource for scholars and students engaged in the
study of this vibrant field.
Changing configurations of national elites are shaping the
prospects for democracy in the countries of postcommunist Eastern
Europe. In several countries (Serbia, Bulgaria, Russia) there are
unchecked power struggles between elites, with regimes oscillating
between democratic and authoritarian tendencies. In other countries
(Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic) restrained elite competitions
are being institutionalized and are leading to stable democratic
regimes. These and other outcomes are analyzed for the region as a
whole.
This timely book examines the immense surges in immigration since
the mid-1990s in Australia and the United States, two of the
world's most important settler-receiving countries. Australia's
shift to a points-based, skills-oriented system is contrasted with
the political deadlock that has prevented any basic change in US
immigration policy during this period. Focusing on immigration
policy trends, effects on labour markets, successes and failures in
integrating massive numbers of new immigrants, and the future of
multiculturalism, the book ponders many of the policy dilemmas that
confront both countries. Drawing on extensive research findings in
the field of immigration policy, this book will prove a fascinating
read for both scholars and postgraduate students working on
immigration, as well as undergraduates studying courses on
Australia and comparisons of the Australian and American policy
arenas. Public servants engaged in administering Australian and US
immigration policies will also find this book invaluable.
Bei keinem Eliten-Theoretiker wurde bisher die eigene privilegierte
Position be- rucksichtigt und gefragt, unterwelchen
wirtschaftlichen Umstanden welche Form von Elite den gewunschten
Standard des gesamten gesellschaftlichen Lebens - Recht, Freiheit,
Meinungsfreiheit eingeschlossen - erst ermoglicht. Die Autoren der
hier ubersetzt vorliegenden Studie "Elitism", G. Lowell Field,
Emeritus an der University of Connecticut, undJohn Higley von der
Australian National Uni- versity, Canberra, leiten ihre Arbeit mit
der Feststellung ihrer Privilegiertheit als gutbesoldete
Sozialwissenschaftler ein, einem "Besitzstand", den sie beizubehal-
ten wunschen. Und sie fragen ohne jede ideologische Verbramung nach
den histo- risch-gesellschaftlichen Mechanismen, die ein solches
Leben ermoglichen, - ein Leben in Freiheit und mit der Freiheit,
sich diejenigen interessanten Menschen aussuchen zu konnen, mit
denen man Kontakt haben mochte: "Well situated, well educated, well
off . . . " Diese Untersuchung erscheint mir deshalb so wichtig,
weil sie - unabhangig davon, ob uns ihre inhaltlichen Aussagen
gefallen - unbestechlich aufklarend ist. Sie erweitert das
Blickfeld, informiert uber Zusammenhange, lalh uns unsere Si-
tuation (vielleicht gegen unseren Willen als Leser) besser
verstehen, stellt Fragen, die wir beantworten muss en, wenn wir so,
wie wir es wunschen, uberleben wol- len, gibt Antworten, die uns
nicht gefallen mogen, - aber dann muss en wir andere begrundete
Antworten parat haben, und hier liegt die PrUfung. In dies em Buch
ist kein Raum fur Verdrangung unliebsamer Einsichten.
A distinguished group of scholars examine recent transitions to
democracy and the prospects for democratic stability in Argentina,
Brazil, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Peru, Portugal, Spain and
Uruguay. They also assess the role of elites in the
longer-established democratic regimes in Columbia, Costa Rica,
Italy, Mexico and Venezuela. The authors conclude that in
independent states with long records of political instability and
authoritarian rule, democratic consolidation requires the
achievement of elite 'consensual unity' - that is, agreement among
all politically important elites on the worth of existing
democratic institutions and respect for democratic
rules-of-the-game, coupled with increased 'structural integration'
among those elites. Two processes by which consensual unity can be
established are explored - elite settlement, the negotiating of
compromises on basic disagreements, and elite convergence, a more
subtle series of tactical decisions by rival elites which have
cumulative effect, over perhaps a generation.
A distinguished group of scholars examine recent transitions to
democracy and the prospects for democratic stability in Argentina,
Brazil, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Peru, Portugal, Spain and
Uruguay. They also assess the role of elites in the
longer-established democratic regimes in Columbia, Costa Rica,
Italy, Mexico and Venezuela. The authors conclude that in
independent states with long records of political instability and
authoritarian rule, democratic consolidation requires the
achievement of elite 'consensual unity' - that is, agreement among
all politically important elites on the worth of existing
democratic institutions and respect for democratic
rules-of-the-game, coupled with increased 'structural integration'
among those elites. Two processes by which consensual unity can be
established are explored - elite settlement, the negotiating of
compromises on basic disagreements, and elite convergence, a more
subtle series of tactical decisions by rival elites which have
cumulative effect, over perhaps a generation.
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