In Still Seeing Red, John Kenneth White explores how the Cold War molded the internal politics of the United States. In a powerful narrative backed by a rich treasure trove of polling data, White takes the reader through the Cold War years, describing its effect in redrawing the electoral map as we came to know it after World War II. The primary beneficiaries of the altered landscape were reinvigorated Republicans who emerged after five successive defeats to tar the Democrats with the ?soft on communism? epithet. A new nationalist Republican party?whose Cold War prescription for winning the White House was copyrighted to Dwight Eisenhower, Richard M. Nixon, Barry Goldwater, and Ronald Reagan?attained primacy in presidential politics because of two contradictory impulses embedded in the American character: a fanatical preoccupation with communism and a robust liberalism. From 1952 to 1988 Republicans won the presidency seven times in ten tries. The rare Democratic victors?John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Jimmy Carter?attempted to rearm the Democratic party to fight the Cold War. Their collective failure says much about the politics of the period. Even so, the Republican dream of becoming a majority party became perverted as the Grand Old Party was recast into a top-down party routinely winning the presidency even as its electoral base remained relatively stagnant.In the post?Cold War era, Americans are coming to appreciate how the fifty-year struggle with the Soviet Union organized thinking in such diverse areas as civil rights, social welfare, education, and defense policy. At the same time, Americans are also more aware of how the Cold War shaped their lives?from the ?duck and cover? drills in the classrooms to the bomb shelters dug in the backyard when most Baby Boomers were growing up. Like millions of Baby Boomers, Bill Clinton can truthfully say, ?I am a child of the Cold War.?With the last gasp of the Soviet Union, Baby Boomers and others are learning t

In "Still Seeing Red, " John Kenneth White explores how the Cold War molded the internal politics of the United States. In a powerful narrative backed by a rich treasure trove of polling data, White takes the reader through the Cold War years, describing its effect in redrawing the electoral map as we came to know it after World War II. The primary beneficiaries of the altered landscape were reinvigorated Republicans who emerged after five successive defeats to tar the Democrats with the "soft on communism" epithet. A new nationalist Republican party--whose Cold War prescription for winning the White House was copyrighted to Dwight Eisenhower, Richard M. Nixon, Barry Goldwater, and Ronald Reagan--attained primacy in presidential politics because of two contradictory impulses embedded in the American character: a fanatical preoccupation with communism and a robust liberalism. From 1952 to 1988 Republicans won the presidency seven times in ten tries. The rare Democratic victors--John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Jimmy Carter--attempted to rearm the Democratic party to fight the Cold War. Their collective failure says much about the politics of the period. Even so, the Republican dream of becoming a majority party became perverted as the Grand Old Party was recast into a top-down party routinely winning the presidency even as its electoral base remained relatively stagnant.In the post-Cold War era, Americans are coming to appreciate how the fifty-year struggle with the Soviet Union organized thinking in such diverse areas as civil rights, social welfare, education, and defense policy. At the same time, Americans are also more aware of how the Cold War shaped their lives--from the "duck and cover" drills in the classrooms to the bomb shelters dug in the backyard when most Baby Boomers were growing up. Like millions of Baby Boomers, Bill Clinton can truthfully say, "I am a child of the Cold War."With the last gasp of the Soviet Union, Baby Boomers and others are learning that the politics of the Cold War are hard to shed. As the electoral maps are being redrawn once more in the Clinton years, landmarks left behind by the Cold War provide an important reference point. In the height of the Cold War, voters divided the world into "us" noncommunists versus "them" communists and reduced contests for the presidency into battles of which party would be tougher in dealing with the Evil Empire. But in a convoluted post-Cold War era, politics defies such simple characteristics and presidents find it harder to lead. Recalling how John F. Kennedy could so easily rally public opinion, an exasperated Bill Clinton once lamented, "Gosh, I miss the Cold War."

The election of Barack Obama to the presidency marks a conclusive end to the Reagan era, writes John Kenneth White in ""Barack Obama's America"". Reagan symbolized a 1950s and 1960s America, largely white and suburban, with married couples and kids at home, who attended church more often than not. Obama's election marks a new era, the author writes. Whites will be a minority by 2042. Marriage is at an all-time low. Cohabitation has increased from a half-million couples in 1960 to more than 5 million in 2000 to even more this year. Gay marriages and civil unions are redefining what it means to be a family. And organized religions are suffering, even as Americans continue to think of themselves as a religious people. Obama's inauguration was a defining moment in the political destiny of this country, based largely on demographic shifts, as described in ""Barack Obama's America"". It joins such moments as the influx of Catholic immigrants into Franklin D. Roosevelt's Democratic party in 1932, the married white suburbanites banding behind Richard Nixon in 1968, and that same group of voters throwing their support behind Ronald Reagan's GOP in 1980. This new book combines White's research into social science reports, census data, books and articles on or about the culture wars, popular culture, journalism, and observations from his own family life. It's not just a story about contemporary politics, Ronald Reagan, or Barack Obama: it's about the changes happening in America, the ones that we live day in and day out as part of our personal lives.

Forty-three years after the publication of "Toward a More Responsible Two-Party System" in the "American Political Science Review, "John Kenneth White and Jerome M. Mileur place the "responsible parties" argument into historical perspective and assess its import over the last four decades for both the scholarly study of American political parties and the evaluation of American parties as democratic political institutions.

This book is the first systematic look at the "responsible parties" argument originally developed by E. E. Schattschneider and the Committee on Political Parties, a group sanctioned by the American Political Science Association. The contributors are among some of the most ardent fans of political parties, who view the party system, despite its continued decline, as potentially the most effective means of communication between voters and legislators. Yet, while each would like to see the resurgence of parties, most are pessimistic about the capacity of these institutions to assist in the governance of the country. Elections in which the party system fails to frame issues satisfactorily and the rise of an American state without the helping hand of parties to run it have contributed to a political crisis of confidence in government. How that crisis is resolved, and the fate that ultimately awaits the political parties, will shape much of American politics in the next century.

The contributors to "Challenges to Party Government "include some of the leading scholars on American political parties, such as Everett Carll Ladd, A. James Reichley, Wilson Carey McWilliams, Sidney M. Milkis, and John S. Jackson III, as well as the only two members of the House ofRepresentatives who are political scientists, Democrat David E. Price and Republican William M. Thomas. Both Price and Thomas have long records of party service, and each draws upon his scholarly expertise to compare what the literature says about political parties and what his own party experiences have been.

American Political Parties is a core textbook on political parties in the United States that places the US party system into a framework designed around the disagreements between Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson. White and Kerbel argue that the two-party system in the United States began with a common agreement on the key values of freedom, individual rights, and equality of opportunity but that Hamilton and Jefferson disagreed-often vehemently-over how to translate these ideals into an acceptable form of governance. This text develops a unique historical perspective of US party development using the disagreements between Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson as a framework for analysis. While Hamilton wanted to marry freedom to a strong, active federal government with an energetic president who would act on behalf of all citizens, Jefferson believed that freedom should be allied to local civic virtue, with governmental responsibilities placed primarily at the local level. Today, Hamiltonian nationalism finds its home in the Democratic Party, while Republicans have espoused Jeffersonian localism since 1964. Using this historical framework, American Political Parties examines a range of topics including marketing and social media, campaign finance, reforms in the presidential nominating process, political demography, and third parties. In this new edition (previously published as Party On!), the authors describe four possible futures in the wake of the 2020 election and why Americans believed it was "the most important" election in their lifetimes. The unique history of US political parties as set forth by the disagreements between Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson is at an inflection point. Republicans have become an insurgent party fully under the control of Donald Trump while Democrats have an opportunity to create a new majority coalition. This juncture poses unique challenges to our democracy and constitutional framework, and the book describes four possible outcomes, postulating where American political parties are headed in this decade.

In choosing candidates for political office, values (both those held by voters and those of prospective officeholders) have overtaken economics to become key determinants in the voting choice. Since the 1960s the American public has wrestled with changes in public and private values. Typical family life no longer involves a husband, a wife, and the prototypical two children. The idealized Cleaver, Nelson, and Huxtable families once portrayed on television now mirror a minority of the American electorate. "The Values Divide," John White's fascinating new book, explores the increasingly dominant role values play in today's public and private life, concluding that a serious rift in political and cultural values actually produced the astounding tie between George W. Bush and Al Gore in the 2000 presidential election. White argues that while politically important, the present values "divide" goes much deeper than cultural conflicts between Republicans and Democrats. Today, citizens are reexamining their own intimate values including how they work, live, and interact with each other in a country whose population is rapidly changing. Collectively, the answers to these value questions have remade both American politics and the popular culture. Reflecting upon these divergent personal choices, White concludes that one further question remains: "What does it mean to be an American?" Features: Compiles extensive current public opinion polling data from The Roper Center at the University of Connecticut at key moments in recent American history including during the Columbine tragedy, the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal, Clinton's impeachment, and the Election of 2000 to present a snapshot of American valuesas we enter the 21st century. Provides a compelling explanation for the outcome of Election 2000 and the prospects for the Republican and Democratic political agenda over the long-term.

"White's "Barack Obama's America" eloquently captures both the important nuances of the current political scene and its long-term consequences."
---Richard Wirthlin, former pollster for Ronald Reagan

"This delightfully written and accessible book is the best available account of the changes in culture, society, and politics that have given us "Barack Obama's America.""
---Stan Greenberg, pollster for Bill Clinton and Chairman and CEO of Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research

"From one of the nation's foremost experts on how values shape our politics, a clear and compelling account of the dramatic shifts in social attitudes that are transforming American political culture. White's masterful blend of narrative and data illuminates the arc of electoral history from Reagan to Obama, making a powerful case for why we are entering a new progressive political era."
---Matthew R. Kerbel, Professor of Political Science, Villanova University, and author of "Netroots"

"John Kenneth White is bold. He asks the big questions . . . Who are we? What do we claim to believe? How do we actually live? What are our politics? John Kenneth White writes compellingly about religion and the role it played in making Barack Obama president. White's keen insight into America's many faiths clarifies why Barack Obama succeeded against all odds. It is a fascinating description of religion and politics in twenty-first-century America---a must-read."
---Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, former Lieutenant Governor of Maryland and author of "Failing America's Faithful"

"In "Barack Obama's America, " John Kenneth White has written the political equivalent of Baedeker or Michelin, the definitive guide to and through the new, uncharted political landscape of our world. White captures and explains what America means---and what it means to be an American---in the twenty-first century."
---Mark Shields, nationally syndicated columnist and political commentator for PBS NewsHour

"John White has always caught important trends in American politics that others missed. With his shrewd analysis of why Barack Obama won, he's done it again."
---E. J. Dionne, Jr., Senior Fellow, Brookings Institution, and University Professor in the Foundations of Democracy and Culture at Georgetown University

The election of Barack Obama to the presidency marks a conclusive end to the Reagan era, writes John Kenneth White in "Barack Obama's America." Reagan symbolized a 1950s and 1960s America, largely white and suburban, with married couples and kids at home, who attended church more often than not.

Obama's election marks a new era, the author writes. Whites will be a minority by 2042. Marriage is at an all-time low. Cohabitation has increased from a half-million couples in 1960 to more than 5 million in 2000 to even more this year. Gay marriages and civil unions are redefining what it means to be a family. And organized religions are suffering, even as Americans continue to think of themselves as a religious people. Obama's inauguration was a defining moment in the political destiny of this country, based largely on demographic shifts, as described in "Barack Obama's America."

John Kenneth White is Professor of Politics at the Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C.

Cover image: "Out of many, we are one: Dare to Hope: Faces from 2008 Obama Rallies" by Anne C. Savage, view and buy full image at http: //revolutionaryviews.com/obama_poster.html.