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"Since World War II, refugee organizations have faced a recurrent
challenge: the manipulation of refugees by warring parties to
further their own aims. Some armies in civil wars, facing military
defeat, use refugees as assets to establish the international
legitimacy of their cause, treat refugee camps as sanctuaries and
recruitment pools, and limit access to refugees to ensure that they
will not repatriate. Focusing on the geopolitical security
environment surrounding militarized camps and the response of
humanitarian agencies, the contributors to this volume examine the
ways armed groups manipulate refugees and how and why international
actors assist their manipulation. They then offer suggestions for
reducing the ability of such groups to use the suffering of
refugees to their own advantage. The contributors examine three
cases: Cambodian refugees along the Thai border in the 1970s and
1980s, Afghan refugees in Pakistan in the 1980s and 1990s, and
Rwandan refugees in Eastern Zaire from 1994-96. They argue that
refugee manipulation occurs because warring parties gain resources
in their fight for power and other actors, often the host
government and regional and major powers encourage and support it.
Manipulation is allowed to occur because the international refugee
regime and major states have not identified a consistent approach
to stopping it. In the post-Cold War era the United Nations and its
members have chosen to treat the issue as a humanitarian problem
instead of a security problem. As the contributors make clear,
however, manipulation of refugees has important ramifications for
international security, turning some civil wars into larger
protracted regional wars. They argue that the geopolitics of
refugee manipulation leads to sanguine conclusions about stopping
it. Solutions must change the moral, political, and strategic
calculations of states that are implicated in the manipulation. As
long as the problem is not deemed a security threat, refugee
organizations must choose between assistance that prolongs war or
walking away from millions who deserve help. Contributors include
Howard Adelman (York University), Frederic Grare (Centre des
Sciences Humaines, New Delhi), Margaret McGuinness (Paul, Weiss,
Rifkind, Wharton, and Garrison), Stephen John Stedman (Stanford
University), Fred Tanner (Geneva Centre for Security Policy), and
Daniel Unger (Northern Illinois University). "
"""The aim of the Managing Global Insecurity project is to launch a
reform effort of the global security system in 2009. That task is
both ambitious and urgent.... The time to act is now.""-from the
Foreword by Javier Solana The twenty-first century will be defined
by security threats unconstrained by borders-from economic
instability, climate change, and nuclear proliferation to conflict,
poverty, terrorism, and disease. The greatest test of global
leadership will be building partnerships and institutions for
cooperation that can meet the challenge. Power and Responsibility
describes how American leadership can rebuild international order
to promote global security and prosperity for today's transnational
world. Power & Responsibility establishes a new foundation for
international security: ""responsible sovereignty,"" or the notion
that sovereignty entails obligations and duties toward other states
as well as one's own citizens. Governments must cooperate across
borders to safeguard common resources and tackle common threats.
Power & Responsibility argues that in order to advance its own
interests, the United States must learn to govern in an
interdependent world, exercise leadership through cooperation, and
create new institutions with today's traditional and emerging
powers. The result of a collaborative project on Managing Global
Insecurity, the book also reflects the MGI project's global
dialogue-extensive consultations in the United States and in
regions around the world as well as discussions with the MGI
project's Advisory Group, composed of prominent U.S. and
international figures. ""The 2008 financial crisis has brought our
global interconnectedness close to home. But economic insecurity is
just one concern. Power and Responsibility provides a road map for
building effective policies and legitimate global institutions to
tackle today's suite of transnational challenges.""-Kemal Dervis,
administrator, UN Development Program "
This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger
Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain
imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed
pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we
have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting,
preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger
Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and
hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!
Due to the very old age and scarcity of this book, many of the
pages may be hard to read due to the blurring of the original text,
possible missing pages, missing text and other issues beyond our
control.
Due to the very old age and scarcity of this book, many of the
pages may be hard to read due to the blurring of the original text,
possible missing pages, missing text and other issues beyond our
control.
In April 1994, black and white South Africans voted for the first
time for a nonracial government. This watershed election in the
spring of '94 was one of many profound changes in Southern Africa,
including independence in Namibia, democratic elections in Zambia,
a peace agreement in Mozambique, and renewed civil war in Angola.
The authors explore the sources and dynamics of the political,
economic, and diplomatic transformations that took place in
Southern Africa. They recount how Southern Africa has long endured
costly, violent domestic and interstate conflicts, often
complicated and intensified by external interventions and
interests. They also analyze the various attempts to resolve
Southern Africa's conflicts. They suggest that the democratic
transition in South Africa has opened the possibility to create a
secure Southern Africa, but they also note that past conflict
legacies and new unanticipated conflicts could stand in the way.
The challenge ahead will be to create new institutions at the
national and regional levels that can help political players
resolve conflict without resorting to violence.
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