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Although it has been occupied for as long and possesses a
mound-building tradition of considerable scale and interest, Muller
contends that the archaeology of the lower Ohio River Valley from
the confluence with the Mississippi to the falls at Louisville,
Kentucky remains less well-known that that of the elaborate
mound-building cultures of the upper valley. This study provides a
synthesis of archaeological work done in the region, emphasizing
population growth and adaptation within an ecological framework in
an attempt to explain the area s cultural evolution.
Although it has been occupied for as long and possesses a
mound-building tradition of considerable scale and interest, Muller
contends that the archaeology of the lower Ohio River Valley-from
the confluence with the Mississippi to the falls at Louisville,
Kentucky - remains less well-known that that of the elaborate
mound-building cultures of the upper valley. This study provides a
synthesis of archaeological work done in the region, emphasizing
population growth and adaptation within an ecological framework in
an attempt to explain the area's cultural evolution.
This book is written from a particular theoretical and practical
postnon. The first chapter outlines some of these issues, but a few
issues requireemphasis. The first is what is meant by "political
economy. " The concept of political econ omy used here derives from
common economic and social science usage. Sometimes, however, a few
individuals seem to consider political economy to consist only of
power relationships, especially in regard to distribution and
consumption, often excluding or ignoring social reproduction or
production. Although power and its uses are important issues, this
is a very incomplete view of political economy from my perspective,
one that ignores arguably eentral issues. Another issue is that of
historieal eomparisons. Some of the ehapters that follow have mueh
historieal data. The historical eomparisons are not the point of
this volume, however. Testing of historieal "models" is important,
but the reader should not be distraeted by them. I have long
preaehed against misuse of historieal analogy. I do argue that the
historie and prehistorie Southeastem societies have been
misunderstood so as to make an artifieial gap between them, but
this is a seeondary issue. In any ease, the thesis of similarity is
being tested against empirieal evidenee. The historieal data are
absolutely not being used to interpret the prehistorie data."
This book is written from a particular theoretical and practical
postnon. The first chapter outlines some of these issues, but a few
issues requireemphasis. The first is what is meant by "political
economy. " The concept of political econ omy used here derives from
common economic and social science usage. Sometimes, however, a few
individuals seem to consider political economy to consist only of
power relationships, especially in regard to distribution and
consumption, often excluding or ignoring social reproduction or
production. Although power and its uses are important issues, this
is a very incomplete view of political economy from my perspective,
one that ignores arguably eentral issues. Another issue is that of
historieal eomparisons. Some of the ehapters that follow have mueh
historieal data. The historical eomparisons are not the point of
this volume, however. Testing of historieal "models" is important,
but the reader should not be distraeted by them. I have long
preaehed against misuse of historieal analogy. I do argue that the
historie and prehistorie Southeastem societies have been
misunderstood so as to make an artifieial gap between them, but
this is a seeondary issue. In any ease, the thesis of similarity is
being tested against empirieal evidenee. The historieal data are
absolutely not being used to interpret the prehistorie data."
"It took me three minutes to get through the tunnel. Above ground I
crawled along holding the rope for several feet: it was tied to a
tree. Sergeant Bergsland joined me; we arranged our clothes and
walked to the Sagan railway station. 'Bergsland was wearing a
civilian suit he had made for himself from a Royal Marine uniform,
with an RAF overcoat slightly altered with brown leather sewn over
the buttons. A black RAF tie, no hat. He carried a small suitcase
which had been sent from Norway. In it were Norwegian toothpaste
and soap, sandwiches, and 163 Reichsmarks given to him by the
Escape Committee. We caught the 2:04 train to Frankfurt an der
Oder. Our papers stated we were Norwegian electricians from the
Labour camp in Frankfurt working in the vicinity of Sagan.' Jens
Muller was one of only three men who successfully escaped from
Stalag Luft III in March 1944 - the break that later became the
basis for the famous film the "Great Escape". Muller was no. 43 of
the 76 prisoners of war who managed to escape from the camp (now in
?aga? Poland). Together with Per Bergsland he stowed away on a ship
to Gothenburg. The escapees sought out the British consulate and
were flown from Stockholm and were flown to Scotland. From there
they were sent by train to London and shortly afterwards to 'Little
Norway' in Canada. Muller's book about his wartime experiences was
first published in Norwegian in 1946, titled, 'Tre kom tilbake'
(Three Came Back). This is the first translation into English and
will correct the impression - set by the film and Charles Bronson -
that the men who escaped successfully were American and Australian.
In a vivid, informative memoir he details what life in the camp was
like, how the escapes were planned and executed and tells the story
of his personal breakout and success reaching RAF Leuchars base in
Scotland.
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