Although it has been occupied for as long and possesses a mound-building tradition of considerable scale and interest, Muller contends that the archaeology of the lower Ohio River Valley from the confluence with the Mississippi to the falls at Louisville, Kentucky remains less well-known that that of the elaborate mound-building cultures of the upper valley. This study provides a synthesis of archaeological work done in the region, emphasizing population growth and adaptation within an ecological framework in an attempt to explain the area s cultural evolution.

Although it has been occupied for as long and possesses a mound-building tradition of considerable scale and interest, Muller contends that the archaeology of the lower Ohio River Valley-from the confluence with the Mississippi to the falls at Louisville, Kentucky - remains less well-known that that of the elaborate mound-building cultures of the upper valley. This study provides a synthesis of archaeological work done in the region, emphasizing population growth and adaptation within an ecological framework in an attempt to explain the area's cultural evolution.

This book is written from a particular theoretical and practical postnon. The first chapter outlines some of these issues, but a few issues requireemphasis. The first is what is meant by "political economy. " The concept of political econ omy used here derives from common economic and social science usage. Sometimes, however, a few individuals seem to consider political economy to consist only of power relationships, especially in regard to distribution and consumption, often excluding or ignoring social reproduction or production. Although power and its uses are important issues, this is a very incomplete view of political economy from my perspective, one that ignores arguably eentral issues. Another issue is that of historieal eomparisons. Some of the ehapters that follow have mueh historieal data. The historical eomparisons are not the point of this volume, however. Testing of historieal "models" is important, but the reader should not be distraeted by them. I have long preaehed against misuse of historieal analogy. I do argue that the historie and prehistorie Southeastem societies have been misunderstood so as to make an artifieial gap between them, but this is a seeondary issue. In any ease, the thesis of similarity is being tested against empirieal evidenee. The historieal data are absolutely not being used to interpret the prehistorie data."

This book is written from a particular theoretical and practical postnon. The first chapter outlines some of these issues, but a few issues requireemphasis. The first is what is meant by "political economy. " The concept of political econ omy used here derives from common economic and social science usage. Sometimes, however, a few individuals seem to consider political economy to consist only of power relationships, especially in regard to distribution and consumption, often excluding or ignoring social reproduction or production. Although power and its uses are important issues, this is a very incomplete view of political economy from my perspective, one that ignores arguably eentral issues. Another issue is that of historieal eomparisons. Some of the ehapters that follow have mueh historieal data. The historical eomparisons are not the point of this volume, however. Testing of historieal "models" is important, but the reader should not be distraeted by them. I have long preaehed against misuse of historieal analogy. I do argue that the historie and prehistorie Southeastem societies have been misunderstood so as to make an artifieial gap between them, but this is a seeondary issue. In any ease, the thesis of similarity is being tested against empirieal evidenee. The historieal data are absolutely not being used to interpret the prehistorie data."

"It took me three minutes to get through the tunnel. Above ground I crawled along holding the rope for several feet: it was tied to a tree. Sergeant Bergsland joined me; we arranged our clothes and walked to the Sagan railway station. 'Bergsland was wearing a civilian suit he had made for himself from a Royal Marine uniform, with an RAF overcoat slightly altered with brown leather sewn over the buttons. A black RAF tie, no hat. He carried a small suitcase which had been sent from Norway. In it were Norwegian toothpaste and soap, sandwiches, and 163 Reichsmarks given to him by the Escape Committee. We caught the 2:04 train to Frankfurt an der Oder. Our papers stated we were Norwegian electricians from the Labour camp in Frankfurt working in the vicinity of Sagan.' Jens Muller was one of only three men who successfully escaped from Stalag Luft III in March 1944 - the break that later became the basis for the famous film the "Great Escape". Muller was no. 43 of the 76 prisoners of war who managed to escape from the camp (now in ?aga? Poland). Together with Per Bergsland he stowed away on a ship to Gothenburg. The escapees sought out the British consulate and were flown from Stockholm and were flown to Scotland. From there they were sent by train to London and shortly afterwards to 'Little Norway' in Canada. Muller's book about his wartime experiences was first published in Norwegian in 1946, titled, 'Tre kom tilbake' (Three Came Back). This is the first translation into English and will correct the impression - set by the film and Charles Bronson - that the men who escaped successfully were American and Australian. In a vivid, informative memoir he details what life in the camp was like, how the escapes were planned and executed and tells the story of his personal breakout and success reaching RAF Leuchars base in Scotland.