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This book contends that the long history of America's interaction
with Korea started with the signing of the Treaty of Peace, Amity,
Commerce, and Navigation in 1882, and with the establishment of the
Seward-Shufeldt Line. William Seward and Robert Shufeldt shared the
same vision of achieving their American goal by opening Korea and
extending the Seward-Shufeldt Line from Alaska to link it with the
Philippines and the Samoan Islands, thus completing a perfect
perimeter for the American era of the Pacific and for its dominance
in the Asian market. Initiating diplomatic and trading relations
with Korea was Commodore Shufeldt's finishing touch on the plan for
achieving American hegemony in the coming 20th century. In turn,
the decline of Chinese sphere of influence over the Korean
Peninsula and the fall of Russian power in the region, with the
consequential rise of Japanese power there, which led to a change
from the SS Line to the Roosevelts' Theodore-Franklin Line, the
colonization of Korea, the division of Korea, the Korean War, and
has brought America back nearly full circle to that first encounter
in Pyeongyang; the regrettable General Sherman Incident in 1866.
This book argues that the United States must uphold its early
commitment to peace and amity by now normalizing relations with
North Korea in order to bring closure to the "Korean Question."
Jongwoo Han's Networked Information Technologies, Elections, and
Politics: Korea and the United States is a study on the changes
that have been occurring in elections, politics, and democratic
movements in both the United States and Korea. There has
undoubtedly been a paradigm shift in political discourse, as the
industrial age mass media-based public sphere gives way to the new
networked information technologies (NNIT)-based cyber sphere.
Analyzing and comparing Korea's presidential election in 2002 and
the United States' 2008 presidential election, Han discusses the
impact of NNITs in electoral politics, as previously apolitical
young generations have become more involved and transformed
themselves into both a cohesive voting bloc and a formidable
constituency. Han also addresses the role of NNITs in Korea's beef
crisis and President Obama's legislation battle to reform the U.S.
health care system, revealing unprecedented opportunities to
observe this major change occurring in political systems during the
so-called Information Age.
No book has addressed the simultaneous phenomena of Korea's rapid
economic development and its vibrant democratization in a single
coherent paradigm. The late developmentalist approach emphasizes
the strong role of Korea's state and bureaucratic efficiency but
does not explain how political development was concurrent with the
economic miracles in the Han River; modernization and dependence
theories also fail to explain the aspect of simultaneity in this
phenomenon. What these three theories commonly miss is the unique
relationship between state and society in Korea's long history of
political culture. In this book, Jongwoo Han takes a holistic
approach to understanding these phenomena by examining the state's
role in the unprecedented economic development and society's
capabilities to resist the state's centralized power. Han
re-articulates state-society relations through Onuf's social
constructivist approach based on three rules of a political
community: hegemony, hierarchy, and heteronomy. This book expands
upon this effort to re-construct the state and society relations in
two ways. First, it produces case studies of the capital city of
Hanyang (Joseon Dynasty from 1392 to 1910), Kyeongseong (Japanese
colonial control from 1910 to 1945), and Seoul (1945-current). The
capital city is analyzed as a container for the major ideologies
and ways of thinking that have shaped three important political
eras. Second, i adopts two indigenous thoughts, Neo-Confucianism
and geomancy, as sources of the main political and cultural
ideologies that shape Korea's state and society relations. These
sources have never been treated as units of political analysis.
This book finds that both Neo-Confucianism and geomancy, over two
periods of Hanyang and Kyeongseong, are two main contributing
factors of the emergence of the developmental state and vibrant
democracy in Korea in the Seoul era.
Why does North Korea want to possess nuclear capabilities? In order
to find the answer to this question, we must have an accurate
understanding of the history and structure of the North Korean
regime. So far, we have only formed conjectures and predictions
regarding North Korea based on our own perspectives; we now need to
deal with and consider North Korea "as is" to reach viable
solutions to the issues North Korea presents. This volume contains
analyses of the most salient, critical issues pertinent to
understanding the North Korean regime, penned by representative
Korean scholars of North Korea. As such, the book examines the
historical formation of North Korea, the identities of those power
elite, and the relative stability (or instability, as the case may
be) of the new regime under Kim Jong-un. Also an important aspect
to consider is the possibility of socio-economic change in North
Korea. Though North Korea has remained relatively static vis-a-vis
its political and military systems, it is in the process of
becoming rapidly marketized, having continued various attempts to
modify its economic policy. In the social realm, said economic
shift has elicited the polarization of the disparate classes and
the expansion of individualism. Such social transformations,
obscured by the easily visible political reality of North Korea,
can provide solid grounds for determining the future of the North
Korea regime. Moreover, it is imperative that we accurately
understand the motivation behind North Korea's intention to develop
nuclear weapons-namely, the expansion of deterrence. We must
recognize the reasons for the North Korean hostility toward the
United States from the very beginning of the DPRK formation and the
North Korean fixation on nuclear weapons development. Further, we
need to understand the nature of relations between China and North
Korea-relations on which the international community has focused
since North Korea began its nuclear testing-as well as the history
and structure of relations between North and South Korea. Only when
we accurately understand North Korea can we reach solutions to the
North Korean nuclear issue. The studies in this volume by Korean
scholars will reveal the veiled background of the visible phenomena
and thereby help the readers to correctly understand the North
Korean behaviors hitherto misunderstood (or even those that were
impossible to understand).
Why does North Korea want to possess nuclear capabilities? In order
to find the answer to this question, we must have an accurate
understanding of the history and structure of the North Korean
regime. So far, we have only formed conjectures and predictions
regarding North Korea based on our own perspectives; we now need to
deal with and consider North Korea "as is" to reach viable
solutions to the issues North Korea presents. This volume contains
analyses of the most salient, critical issues pertinent to
understanding the North Korean regime, penned by representative
Korean scholars of North Korea. As such, the book examines the
historical formation of North Korea, the identities of those power
elite, and the relative stability (or instability, as the case may
be) of the new regime under Kim Jong-un. Also an important aspect
to consider is the possibility of socio-economic change in North
Korea. Though North Korea has remained relatively static vis-a-vis
its political and military systems, it is in the process of
becoming rapidly marketized, having continued various attempts to
modify its economic policy. In the social realm, said economic
shift has elicited the polarization of the disparate classes and
the expansion of individualism. Such social transformations,
obscured by the easily visible political reality of North Korea,
can provide solid grounds for determining the future of the North
Korea regime. Moreover, it is imperative that we accurately
understand the motivation behind North Korea's intention to develop
nuclear weapons-namely, the expansion of deterrence. We must
recognize the reasons for the North Korean hostility toward the
United States from the very beginning of the DPRK formation and the
North Korean fixation on nuclear weapons development. Further, we
need to understand the nature of relations between China and North
Korea-relations on which the international community has focused
since North Korea began its nuclear testing-as well as the history
and structure of relations between North and South Korea. Only when
we accurately understand North Korea can we reach solutions to the
North Korean nuclear issue. The studies in this volume by Korean
scholars will reveal the veiled background of the visible phenomena
and thereby help the readers to correctly understand the North
Korean behaviors hitherto misunderstood (or even those that were
impossible to understand).
No book has addressed the simultaneous phenomena of Korea's rapid
economic development and its vibrant democratization in a single
coherent paradigm. The late developmentalist approach emphasizes
the strong role of Korea's state and bureaucratic efficiency but
does not explain how political development was concurrent with the
economic miracles in the Han River; modernization and dependence
theories also fail to explain the aspect of simultaneity in this
phenomenon. What these three theories commonly miss is the unique
relationship between state and society in Korea's long history of
political culture. In this book, Jongwoo Han takes a holistic
approach to understanding these phenomena by examining the state's
role in the unprecedented economic development and society's
capabilities to resist the state's centralized power. Han
re-articulates state-society relations through Onuf's social
constructivist approach based on three rules of a political
community: hegemony, hierarchy, and heteronomy. This book expands
upon this effort to re-construct the state and society relations in
two ways. First, it produces case studies of the capital city of
Hanyang (Joseon Dynasty from 1392 to 1910), Kyeongseong (Japanese
colonial control from 1910 to 1945), and Seoul (1945-current). The
capital city is analyzed as a container for the major ideologies
and ways of thinking that have shaped three important political
eras. Second, i adopts two indigenous thoughts, Neo-Confucianism
and geomancy, as sources of the main political and cultural
ideologies that shape Korea's state and society relations. These
sources have never been treated as units of political analysis.
This book finds that both Neo-Confucianism and geomancy, over two
periods of Hanyang and Kyeongseong, are two main contributing
factors of the emergence of the developmental state and vibrant
democracy in Korea in the Seoul era.
Jongwoo Han's Networked Information Technologies, Elections, and
Politics: Korea and the United States is a study on the changes
that have been occurring in elections, politics, and democratic
movements in both the United States and Korea. There has
undoubtedly been a paradigm shift in political discourse, as the
industrial age mass media-based public sphere gives way to the new
networked information technologies (NNIT)-based cyber sphere.
Analyzing and comparing Korea's presidential election in 2002 and
the United States' 2008 presidential election, Han discusses the
impact of NNITs in electoral politics, as previously apolitical
young generations have become more involved and transformed
themselves into both a cohesive voting bloc and a formidable
constituency. Han also addresses the role of NNITs in Korea's beef
crisis and President Obama's legislation battle to reform the U.S.
health care system, revealing unprecedented opportunities to
observe this major change occurring in political systems during the
so-called Information Age.
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