Charles Evans Hughes (1862-1948) was lawyer, governor of New York, Supreme Court Justice, presidential candidate in 1916, Secretary of State in the Harding and Coolidge administrations, a member of the World Court, and Chief Justice of the United States from 1930 until his retirement in 1941. To some, Hughes appeared larger than life. Robert H. Jackson once said of him, " He] looks like God and talks like God." But to those who knew him well, he was quite human, extraordinarily gifted, but human nonetheless. His "Autobiographical Notes" portray him as no biography could and provide comment on almost a century of American history as seen by one who played a part in shaping its course.

Hughes's notes reveal two sides of his personality--a serious side when he was at work, and a genial, sometimes humorous, side when he was relaxing or with friends and family. When he writes of unofficial life--especially his boyhood, college years, and early years at the bar--he is raconteur telling his story with a certain amount of humor; when he writes of his official life he tends to be matter-of-fact. The early chapters describe the formative influence which shaped his character: his loving but intellectually demanding parents and deeply religious training; his unusual early education, which took place mostly at home and gave full scope to his precocity. Hughes's accounts of college life in the 1870s at Madison (now Colgate) and Brown University and of his career as a young lawyer in the New York City of the 1880s and 1890s are valuable portraits of an era.

Brought up to a high sense of duty, Hughes, from the start of his career, felt bound to take worthy legal cases and it was his reputation for integrity and thoroughness that led to his selection as counsel in the gas and insurance investigations of 1905-1906. This was the turn of events that precipitated him into the public eye and, subsequently, into politics. The culmination of his career came in 1937 when he led the Supreme Court through a constitutional crisis and confronted Franklin Roosevelt in the Court packing battle. In the intervening thirty years, Hughes was a major figure in American political and legal circles. His "Notes" record his impressions of presidents, statesmen, and justices. His reflections on the diplomacy of the 1920s and on the causes leading up to the Second World War are of immense historical importance.

The editors have supplied an introduction to the "Notes," commenting on Hughes's personality and public image, his political style and rise to fame. They have remained unobtrusive throughout, intervening only to clarify references and provide necessary details. For the rest, they let Hughes speak for himself in the crisp and clear style that reveals his unusual intelligence and the retentive and analytical mind that distinguished his conduct of affairs.

Justice Felix Frankfurther wrote of Hughes: "I have known or know about most of the leading men of my time both here and in England enough to justify me in forming a judgment. There isn't the slightest doubt that C.E.H. is among the few really sizable figures of my lifetime. He is three-dimensional and has impact." Here, in these "Notes," is this great man drawn in life-size proportions.

A collection of 27 papers presented by scholars from all parts of the Americas at the 1975 New World Conference.

The diversity of Latin American trade agreements established since the mid-1980s reflects a broadening range of strategic perceptions and orientations. The argument of this volume is that this increasing divergence among the arrangements reflects fundamental and growing differences among their broader strategic perceptions and political and economic objectives. These, in turn, are grounded in each country's economic profile, the institutional configuration of its trade policy process, and the constraints and opportunities policymakers perceive at the domestic and international levels. The opening chapter in this volume provides a theoretical framework that highlights the political-economic tradeoffs entailed in different trade strategies. The remaining chapters in sections I and II focus on domestic and international constraints involved in the formulation, pursuit, and implementation of trade policies. The last half of the volume contains detailed, empirically grounded studies of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and the dynamics of Mercosur.

The diversity of Latin American trade agreements established since the mid-1980s reflects a broadening range of strategic perceptions and orientations. The argument of this volume is that this increasing divergence among the arrangements reflects fundamental and growing differences among their broader strategic perceptions and political and economic objectives. These, in turn, are grounded in each country's economic profile, the institutional configuration of its trade policy process, and the constraints and opportunities policymakers perceive at the domestic and international levels. The opening chapter in this volume provides a theoretical framework that highlights the political-economic tradeoffs entailed in different trade strategies. The remaining chapters in sections I and II focus on domestic and international constraints involved in the formulation, pursuit, and implementation of trade policies. The last half of the volume contains detailed, empirically grounded studies of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and the dynamics of Mercosur.

Examining Latin American security in the post-Cold War era, policymakers and analysts from across the Americas assess the security threats and agendas of different subregions and evaluate the potential for wider hemispheric cooperation.
With the decline in Cold War tensions and external interference, along with a near-consensus favoring democracy and free market economics, Latin America faces an unusual opportunity to shape its own regional strategic agenda. Traditional threats such as border disputes must be addressed even while growing transnational problems challenge the capacities of young democracies. With increasing globalization, national security is inseparable from regional security and depends on the establishment of effective mechanisms for cooperation.
The contributors assess both the theoretical and empirical background of cooperation in the Americas, and argue that different subregions--such as the Caribbean Basin, the Andean nations, and the Southern Cone--approach cooperation from different strategic perspectives and traditions. They show that building hemispheric security requires pragmatic attention to local complexities and a concerted effort to emphasize common interests, including the defense of democracy, economic stability, citizens' security, and environmental protection.
The book asserts that the creation of a framework for regional cooperation will depend on the establishment at the local level of what it calls ConfidenceBuilding Measures (CBMs). It evaluates the potential roles of such international organizations as the Organization of American States and the Inter-American Defense Board, and studies the changing regional policies of the United States for their effectiveness and impact on regional security.

Examining Latin American security in the post-Cold War era, policymakers and analysts from across the Americas assess the security threats and agendas of different subregions and evaluate the potential for wider hemispheric cooperation.
With the decline in Cold War tensions and external interference, along with a near-consensus favoring democracy and free market economics, Latin America faces an unusual opportunity to shape its own regional strategic agenda. Traditional threats such as border disputes must be addressed even while growing transnational problems challenge the capacities of young democracies. With increasing globalization, national security is inseparable from regional security and depends on the establishment of effective mechanisms for cooperation.
The contributors assess both the theoretical and empirical background of cooperation in the Americas, and argue that different subregions--such as the Caribbean Basin, the Andean nations, and the Southern Cone--approach cooperation from different strategic perspectives and traditions. They show that building hemispheric security requires pragmatic attention to local complexities and a concerted effort to emphasize common interests, including the defense of democracy, economic stability, citizens' security, and environmental protection.
The book asserts that the creation of a framework for regional cooperation will depend on the establishment at the local level of what it calls ConfidenceBuilding Measures (CBMs). It evaluates the potential roles of such international organizations as the Organization of American States and the Inter-American Defense Board, and studies the changing regional policies of the United States for their effectiveness and impact on regional security.

Corruption persists as a challenge to the consolidation of Latin American democracies and to their economic development. Contrary to many expectations, policies to reduce the size of government, such as the privitization of state firms, have not proved a cure against corruption. In some cases, economic liberalization seems only to have worsened the problem.

"Combating Corruption in Latin America" examines the relationship between democratic and market reforms and corruption, including national strategies for its reduction. Authors from across the region, the United States, and Europe, discuss the nature, methods, and historical antecedents of today's corrupt practices, including issues of institutional design, the role of international actors, and culture.

These chapters raise many important questions. Can corruption in some cases be economically efficient? Does the transition to democracy and free markets increase or reduce opportunities and incentives for corruption? What policy responses are in effect at the local, national, and international levels, and are they likely to be effective? How is a growing business culture across Latin America likely to influence efforts for improved government transparency and efficiency?

Contributors come from the worlds of academia, government, journalism, and international financial institutions, and bring a range of economic and political perspectives to bear on the subject. They are Alberto Ades, Fernando Carrillo-Florez, Carlos Eduardo Lins Da Silva, Rafael Di Tella, Edmundo Jarquin, Luigi Manzetti, Luca Meldolesi, Luis Moreno Ocampo, Stephen Quick, Susan Rose-Ackerman, Mark L. Schneider, Ibrahim F. I. Shihata, and Laurence Whitehead.

Crime continues to undermine the rule of law and democracy in Latin America. The incidence and severity of crime reduce the community's trust in police and in government, and many attempts to address the crime problem have stalled.

Directly empowering citizens has, however, been a promising avenue for change. Toward a Society under Law focuses on community policing and on police reform.

The first part of the book covers general issues and themes, with chapters on the impact of community policing, the role of advocacy networks, urban social policies and crime, and the cost of crime. The second part includes case studies of police reform, community policing, Argentina's national plan for crime prevention, and crime in Mexico City. Several contributions offer comparative studies of several countries. The contributors include political scientists and sociologists from Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Peru, the United States, and the United Kingdom.

Toward a Society under Law is a product of an ongoing project of the Latin American Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. It follows an earlier book, Crime and Violence in Latin America: Citizen Security, Democracy, and the State, edited by Hugo FrA1/4hling and Joseph S. Tulchin, with Heather A. Golding, which was published in 2003.

Corruption persists as a challenge to the consolidation of Latin American democracies and to their economic development. Contrary to many expectations, policies to reduce the size of government, such as the privitization of state firms, have not proved a cure against corruption. In some cases, economic liberalization seems only to have worsened the problem.

"Combating Corruption in Latin America" examines the relationship between democratic and market reforms and corruption, including national strategies for its reduction. Authors from across the region, the United States, and Europe, discuss the nature, methods, and historical antecedents of today's corrupt practices, including issues of institutional design, the role of international actors, and culture.

These chapters raise many important questions. Can corruption in some cases be economically efficient? Does the transition to democracy and free markets increase or reduce opportunities and incentives for corruption? What policy responses are in effect at the local, national, and international levels, and are they likely to be effective? How is a growing business culture across Latin America likely to influence efforts for improved government transparency and efficiency?

Contributors come from the worlds of academia, government, journalism, and international financial institutions, and bring a range of economic and political perspectives to bear on the subject. They are Alberto Ades, Fernando Carrillo-Florez, Carlos Eduardo Lins Da Silva, Rafael Di Tella, Edmundo Jarquin, Luigi Manzetti, Luca Meldolesi, Luis Moreno Ocampo, Stephen Quick, Susan Rose-Ackerman, Mark L. Schneider, Ibrahim F. I. Shihata, and Laurence Whitehead.