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This volume examines how the British Conservative Party has
appealed to women, the roles that women have played in the party,
and the tense relationship between women’s activism on the Right
and feminism. Covering the period since the early 20th century, the
contributions each question assumptions about the reactionary
response of the British Right, Margaret Thatcher’s party, to
women’s issues and to their political aspirations. How have women
been mobilized by the Conservative Party? What kind of party
appeals has the British Conservative Party designed to attract
women as party workers and as voters? Developing successful
strategies to attract women voters since 1918, and appealing to
certain notional women’s issues, and having produced the only two
women Prime Minters of the UK, the Conservative Party has its own
special relationship with women in the modern period. The shifting
status of women and opportunities for women in politics in modern
Britain has been garnering more scholarly attention recently, and
the centenary of women’s partial suffrage in 2018 and Astor 100
in 2019 has done much to excite wider attention and public interest
in these debates. However, the role of Conservative women has too
often been seen as problematic, especially because of general
assumption that feminism is only allied to leftist movements and
political positions. This volume explores these themes through a
range of case studies, covering the period from the early 20th to
the 21st century. The chapters in this book were originally
published as a special issue of the journal, Women’s History
Review.
This book examines the connection between notions of gender,
diplomacy, society and peacemaking in the period c. 1880 to the
mid- to late-twentieth century. The chapters in this volume place
gender history at the interface with international history and
international relations. They explore a wide variety of themes and
issues within the British and European context, especially notions
of gender identity, the politics and culture of women's suffrage in
the early part of the twentieth century and the role gender played
in the formulation and execution of British foreign policy. The
book also breaks new ground by attempting to gender diplomacy.
Further, it revisits the popular view that women were connected
with the peace movements that grew up after the First World War
because the notion of peace was associated with stereotypical
female traits, such as the rejection of violence and the nurturing
rather than destruction of humankind. The chapters in this book
were originally published as a special issue of the journal
Diplomacy and Statecraft.
This volume examines how the British Conservative Party has
appealed to women, the roles that women have played in the party,
and the tense relationship between women’s activism on the Right
and feminism. Covering the period since the early 20th century, the
contributions each question assumptions about the reactionary
response of the British Right, Margaret Thatcher’s party, to
women’s issues and to their political aspirations. How have women
been mobilized by the Conservative Party? What kind of party
appeals has the British Conservative Party designed to attract
women as party workers and as voters? Developing successful
strategies to attract women voters since 1918, and appealing to
certain notional women’s issues, and having produced the only two
women Prime Minters of the UK, the Conservative Party has its own
special relationship with women in the modern period. The shifting
status of women and opportunities for women in politics in modern
Britain has been garnering more scholarly attention recently, and
the centenary of women’s partial suffrage in 2018 and Astor 100
in 2019 has done much to excite wider attention and public interest
in these debates. However, the role of Conservative women has too
often been seen as problematic, especially because of general
assumption that feminism is only allied to leftist movements and
political positions. This volume explores these themes through a
range of case studies, covering the period from the early 20th to
the 21st century. The chapters in this book were originally
published as a special issue of the journal, Women’s History
Review.
British women were deeply invested in foreign policy between the
wars. This study casts new light on the turn to international
affairs in feminist politics, the gendered representation and
experience of the Munich Crisis, and the profound impression made
by female public opinion on PM Neville Chamberlain in his
negotiations with the dictators.
British women were deeply invested in foreign policy between the
wars. This study casts new light on the turn to international
affairs in feminist politics, the gendered representation and
experience of the Munich Crisis, and the profound impression made
by female public opinion on PM Neville Chamberlain in his
negotiations with the dictators.
This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the
People Act (1918), which gave some (but not all) British women the
vote. Leading experts explore the paths taken by former-suffragists
as well as their anti-suffragist adversaries, the practices of
suffrage commemoration, and the changing priorities and formations
of British feminism in this crucial era. In considering how
generational conflict informed the contested legacy of suffragism,
these essays examine the impact of universal suffrage on the main
political parties. Were the hopes and ambitions invested in women's
and universal enfranchisement realized or dashed? How did those
concerned evaluate the outcome as the years wore on? And why did
the attainment of full adult male suffrage in 1918 became
overshadowed by the seemingly more momentous achievement of women's
suffrage?
This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the
People Act, which gave some British women the vote. Experts examine
the paths taken by both former-suffragists as well as their
anti-suffragist adversaries, the practices of suffrage
commemoration, and the changing priorities and formations of
British feminism in this era.
How far did women support Oswald Mosley's Black Shirts? This
important reference work fills a significant gap in the
historiography of British fascism, which has generally overlooked
the contribution of the women's movement to Britain's fascist
experience. Looking at female fascist activism and the influence of
feminist ideology on the fascist agenda, Julie V. Gottlieb shows
the significant impact of feminist thought in this area. In spite
of its mainstream vocal opposition to fascism, parts of the women's
movement as Gottlieb demonstrates, had an implicit connection with
the British Union of Fascists.
The British Fascisti, the first fascism movement in Britain, was
founded by a woman in 1923. During the 1930s, 25 per cent of Sir
Oswald Mosley's supporters were women, and his movement was
'largely built up by the fanaticism of women.' What was it about
the British form of Fascism that accounted for this conspicuous
female support? Gottlieb addresses these questions in the
definitive work on women in fascism. This book continues to fill a
significant gap in the historiography of British fascism, which has
generally overlooked the contribution of women on the one hand, and
the importance of sexual politics and women's issues on the other.
Gottlieb's extensive research makes use of government documents, a
large range of contemporary pamphlets, newspapers and speeches, as
well as original interviews with those personally involved in the
movement. This new edition includes a preface analysing the current
affairs of the last 20 years, reframing the book according to
contemporary context. Here, Gottlieb looks at the resurgence of
populism, the rise of women as leaders of far-right parties across
Europe and North America, and the normalisation of fascism in
fiction and political discourse.
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