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The collapse of the Doha Round hangs heavily over an already
troubled world economy. Some have concluded that this failure is
simply the result of a lack of political will and a pre-occupation
with issues such as terrorism. But as Kent Jones reveals in The
Doha Blues, the World Trade Organization needs serious structural
changes, not just political backbone. He shows for instance that
the WTO--now with 153 members--has become increasingly unwieldy in
terms of concluding trade agreements and he suggests that countries
organize around specific platform positions, a strategy that would
make the "holy grail" of consensus once again possible. Jones also
argues for financial support for poorer countries so that they can
participate effectively in negotiations and he contends that the
principle of the "single undertaking" (that "there is no agreement
until everything is agreed") has become a serious and perhaps
crippling constraint, and must be modified. Jones is a leading
authority on trade policy and his book illuminates the real
stumbling blocks to trade liberalization and highlights the way
around them.
The institutional shortcomings of the World Trade Organization
(WTO) became apparent during the Doha Round of Trade negotiations
that began in 2001 and which aimed to improve the success of
developing countries' trading by lowering trade barriers and
adjusting other trade rules. This "development agenda " meant
different things to rich and poor countries. In addition, many of
the circumstances that supported success in General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations of 1947 were no longer
present after the WTO was founded in 1995. In Reconstructing the
World Trade Organization for the 21st Century, Kent Jones examines
the difficulties of the WTO in completing multilateral trade
negotiations and possible ways to restore its ability to do so. The
problem lies in the institutional structure it inherited from the
GATT, which was designed for a more limited scope of trade
negotiations among a relatively small number of wealthier,
industrialized countries. Jones presents an institutional model of
the GATT/WTO system, which describes why such an organization
exists and how it is supposed to accomplish its goals.
Institutional reforms will be necessary to restore the WTO's
ability to complete global trade agreements, including a more
flexible application of the consensus rule, a common understanding
among all members about the limits of domestic policy space that is
subject to negotiation, and clearer rules on reciprocity
obligations. The popularity of bilateral and regional trade
agreements, which have emerged as the alternative to WTO
agreements, presents a threat to the WTO's relevance in trade
negotiations, but also an opportunity to "multilateralize " new and
deeper trade integration in future WTO agreements. Aid for trade
may also play an instrumental role in bringing more developing
countries into WTO disciplines. Above all, WTO members must develop
new ways to find common ground in order to negotiate for mutual
gains from trade.
Over the past few decades, French filmmaker Olivier Assayas has
become a powerful force in contemporary cinema. Between his first
feature "D?sordre" (1986) and such major works as "L'Eau froide,
Irma Vep, Les Destin?es Sentimentales, demonlover" and, most
recently, "L'Heure d'?t?" and "Carlos," he has charted an exciting
path, strongly embracing narrative and character and simultaneously
dealing with the 'fragmentary reality' of life in a global economy.
He also brought a fresh perspective to the problem of politics
after '68, a subject that he revisits in his memoir "A Post-May
Adolescence" (published as a companion book to this volume) and in
his most recent film "Apr?s-Mai." This first English-language book
about Olivier Assayas includes a major essay by Kent Jones, based
on his two decades of correspondence and exchanges of ideas with
the filmmaker, as well as contributions from Assayas and his most
important artistic collaborators. The central part consists of
individual essays on each of his works, written by Chris Chang,
Larry Gross, Howard Hampton, Kristin M. Jones, B. Kite, Glenn
Kenny, Michael Koresky, Alice Lovejoy, Greil Marcus, Geoffrey
O'Brien, Jeff Reichert, Richard Suchenski, and Gina Telaroli.
There can be few industries which have generated as much political
controversy as the world steel industry. Since 1968 the trade
policies of both the US and the EEC have created a vicious circle
of protectionism and delayed adjustment in their steel industries.
In particular, protectionist policies by one government have tended
to lead directly to rebound protectionist policies by the other.
This book, first published in 1986, begins by tracing the
historical roots of steel protectionism and describes the changing
competitive structure of the world steel market which has led to
increased government involvement in the traditional steel-making
countries as they became vulnerable to imports from the newly
industrialised countries. The most distinctive feature of the book
is its economic analysis of a policy crisis; a crisis whose inner
dynamics work against a viable solution.
There can be few industries which have generated as much political
controversy as the world steel industry. Since 1968 the trade
policies of both the US and the EEC have created a vicious circle
of protectionism and delayed adjustment in their steel industries.
In particular, protectionist policies by one government have tended
to lead directly to rebound protectionist policies by the other.
This book, first published in 1986, begins by tracing the
historical roots of steel protectionism and describes the changing
competitive structure of the world steel market which has led to
increased government involvement in the traditional steel-making
countries as they became vulnerable to imports from the newly
industrialised countries. The most distinctive feature of the book
is its economic analysis of a policy crisis; a crisis whose inner
dynamics work against a viable solution.
Who is afraid of the World Trade Organization, the WTO? The list appears to be long. Many workers, and especially unions that represent them, claim that WTO agreements increase import competition and threaten their jobs. Other groups emphasize the role of the WTO in the allegedly ill effects of globalization in general. Many environmentalists share this concern, claiming that the WTO encourages pollution and prevents governments from defending national environmental standards. Then there are human rights advocates ready to violate WTO rules by imposing trace sanctions in defense of human rights. Still other groups fear that the WTO compromises national sovereignty, taking away a countrys right to govern its trade and even its own domestic policies. This book is in response to the many misinformed and often hysterical arguments leveled against the WTO during recent protests in Seattle and elsewhere. In this timely and engaging volume, Kent Jones explains the compelling reasons for establishing the WTO as an agreement to promote world trade, and the consensus-based structure of all its enforcement mechanisms. While Jones does not dismiss the threat that recent political protests pose for the trading system, he does reveal the fallacies in their arguments and presents a strong case in favor of the World Trade Organization, with proposals for reconciling trade and non-trade goals in the world economy.
Around the world, populism has weaponized anxieties over
globalization and other forms of cultural, social, and economic
change. Many populist leaders have succeeded in conflating trade
concerns with apprehensions over immigration, thereby creating
potent campaigns to overturn existing trade agreements and the
multilateral cooperation they embody. In the United States, avowed
protectionist Donald Trump set out not only to raise tariffs, but
to dismantle the system of global trade embodied in the World Trade
Organization. In the UK, the Brexit referendum resulted in that
country's withdrawal from the European Union, ending its commitment
to trade integration with the continent. Populism and Trade
explores the impact of populist regimes on protectionism and the
damage they have inflicted on global trade and trade policy
institutions. Focusing on the disruption caused by the Trump
administration and the Brexit referendum, the book traces the
influence of populism on trade policy today. Kent Jones shows how
these methods will continue to damage global cooperation-something
that is essential when faced with international crises like a
deadly pandemic-until the sources of populist anger can be
addressed. He argues that economic and institutional reforms, along
with better education and adjustment policies, will be necessary to
break the populist fever. In an age of global populism, open trade
policy has become a victim of anti-globalization and economic
nationalism. Populism and Trade traces the impact of these divisive
political tactics to explain the fragile nature of global trade
institutions and the steps needed to save them.
"In the field of film aesthetics, it is the first important American work, still important--The Art of the Moving Picture is astonishing." --Stanley Kauffmann
Written in 1915, The Art of the Moving Picture by poet Vachel Lindsay is the first book to treat movies as art. Lindsay writes a brilliant analysis of the early silent films (including several now lost films). He is extraordinarily prescient about the future of moviemaking--particularly about the business, the prominence of technology, and the emergence of the director as the author of the film.
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