Regions are increasingly recognised as a key aspect of economic change in Europe, not merely as geographic spaces but also as social systems. Their history, culture, institutions and patterns of leadership mould the way in which they adapt to European and global competitive challenges. This book reviews the debate surrounding the construction of regions and presents eight case studies to illustrate how they are shaped and reshaped in a variety of different ways. The authors find that while some regions exhibit common patterns, there are significant variations, indicating that there is no definitive model of regional development. This book offers a systematic comparison of eight distinct regions and stateless nations, each with its own historical identity, but which is constantly being rebuilt in changing economic and political conditions. Avoiding economic or cultural determinism, the authors show how region-builders can shape their own responses to global challenges to produce models of development reflecting differing understandings and social compromises. Culture, Institutions and Economic Development will be warmly welcomed by academics within the fields of regional studies, European studies and political science.

Regions are increasingly recognised as a key aspect of economic change in Europe, not merely as geographic spaces but also as social systems. Their history, culture, institutions and patterns of leadership mould the way in which they adapt to European and global competitive challenges. This book reviews the debate surrounding the construction of regions and presents eight case studies to illustrate how they are shaped and reshaped in a variety of different ways. The authors find that while some regions exhibit common patterns, there are significant variations, indicating that there is no definitive model of regional development. This book offers a systematic comparison of eight distinct regions and stateless nations, each with its own historical identity, but which is constantly being rebuilt in changing economic and political conditions. Avoiding economic or cultural determinism, the authors show how region-builders can shape their own responses to global challenges to produce models of development reflecting differing understandings and social compromises. Culture, Institutions and Economic Development will be warmly welcomed by academics within the fields of regional studies, European studies and political science.

Party literature has to a large extent been focused on the explanation of the rise and success of new parties and their effects on the party systems and on the older parties. This book explores the dramatic status change of new parties, not as marginal outsider parties but as governing or potentially governing parties in their party systems.

This book analyses and compares parties that have previously been in the opposition and that make the move towards government for the first time. Some of these parties can be old parties that have been locked into the opposition for a long time, some might be new parties that move from their challenging position towards a cooperative position and some might simply be new parties in new party systems. The authors seek to answer how and why their role has changed? And what are the consequences of this change? What explains the evolution from principled opposition to loyal opposition and eventually to participation in the executive? Which characteristics of the parties can be held responsible? Which characteristics of the parties' context (electoral system, structure of the state) should be brought into the picture? And what have been the effects of the status change on the party organization, on the party ideology, on its electoral results?

This book will be of interest to scholars and students interested in new parties (including Greens, radical right, and regional parties), party organization, institutionalization and change, political parties and party systems more generally and comparative politics.

The stability of divided societies often depends on whether the elites of rival subcultures are willing and able to engage in compromise, as opposed to confrontation. This was demonstrated in 1968 by Arend Lijphart's seminal work on "consociational democracies", or societies characterized by both subcultural segmentation and elite accommodation. This volume offers a comparative analysis of such societies 30 years on. Contributors use a combination of Lijphart's model of consociational democracy and late-1990s literature on political parties to examine the pivotal role played by political parties within and between divided socities. A comparative framework is advanced for the analysis of this role, then applied in turn to the cases of Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland and Israel. This is followed by comparative chapters and the editors conclude by underlining the findings of the analysis 30 years on from Lijphart's work. This study highlights the nature and amount of change in consociational democracy and the extent to which it has been promoted or hindered by the behaviour of party.

Party literature is largely focused on the rise and success of new parties and their effects on party systems and older parties. This book, on the other hand, provides a valuable and original addition to such literature by analyzing what happens to a party when it enters government for the first time.

Leading contributors assess how these parties, whether old or new, change when entering government by answering a set of questions:

• How and why has their role changed?
• What are the consequences of change?
• What explains the evolution from principled opposition to loyal opposition and eventually to participation in the executive?
• Which characteristics of the parties can be held responsible?
• Which characteristics of the parties context should be brought into the picture?
• What have been the effects of the status change on party organization, party ideology and electoral results?

Covering a wide range of European parties such as the Finish Greens, right wing parties (FN, Lega Nord and Alleanza Nazionale) and new parties in Italy, The Netherlands and Sweden to name a few; this book will be of particular interest to scholars and students concerned with party systems, political parties and comparative politics.

This book examines the fortunes of social democracy since 1989 in the former GDR, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, setting the analysis in a broader European framework, and relating the current problems of social democracy in western Europe to developments in the east of the continent.

Mind the Gap is a book on the difficult times of modern representative democracy, and on the way in which political science is trying to make sense of it. Forecasting election results has become a very risky business, and explaining the often-surprising results must increasingly rely on case-by-case ad hoc interpretations. Old and formerly stable political parties now appear to be very vulnerable, because many of their traditional voters seem willing to desert them. If voters turn out to vote at all, they tend to be very volatile and send out complex messages, to decide later than ever what to do in the polling booth, to react to short-term factors and to follow candidates rather than parties. Low levels of trust in political actors and institutions reveal a gap between the elites and the people. Belgium is one of the countries where one can witness these debates. Yet Belgium is also a special case. Not only a gap between elites and citizens but also a gap between north and south animates the political debates. The territorial division of the country in two language groups has led to the complete split of the parties and the party system and to the transformation of the unitary state into a complex federal system. With on top of all that the European level the lines of representation and accountability in Belgium are extremely opaque. Decision making requires subtle compromises between party leaders and sometimes take a very long time to come about. Voting in Belgium is however compulsory, which means that exiting the scene of democratic representation is not an obvious option. Citizens do turn out to vote and do express their views and their discontent. Some political parties however do suggest that leaving Belgium behind altogether might be better than just muddling through. This book is based on ten years of research on political participation and representation in Belgium by the interuniversity research team PartiRep. Using several surveys among the population and politicians, voting aid applications, focus groups and experiments it draws a picture of a parliamentary and representative democracy that faces multiple tensions and multiple gaps. It discusses a wide range of political processes and actors, placing them in a comparative perspective, and exploring to what extent the Belgian case fits into the general picture. The chapters of the book deal with political socialization, political parties, representation, economic voting, preference voting and personalized voting, democratic preferences, identity politics and campaign effects and on the way in which elites and citizens try to find their way and make sense of this complex multi-level and linguistically divided country in the heart of the European Union.

Mind the Gap is a book on the difficult times of modern representative democracy, and on the way in which political science is trying to make sense of it. Forecasting election results has become a very risky business, and explaining the often-surprising results must increasingly rely on case-by-case ad hoc interpretations. Old and formerly stable political parties now appear to be very vulnerable, because many of their traditional voters seem willing to desert them. If voters turn out to vote at all, they tend to be very volatile and send out complex messages, to decide later than ever what to do in the polling booth, to react to short-term factors and to follow candidates rather than parties. Low levels of trust in political actors and institutions reveal a gap between the elites and the people. Belgium is one of the countries where one can witness these debates. Yet Belgium is also a special case. Not only a gap between elites and citizens but also a gap between north and south animates the political debates. The territorial division of the country in two language groups has led to the complete split of the parties and the party system and to the transformation of the unitary state into a complex federal system. With on top of all that the European level the lines of representation and accountability in Belgium are extremely opaque. Decision making requires subtle compromises between party leaders and sometimes take a very long time to come about. Voting in Belgium is however compulsory, which means that exiting the scene of democratic representation is not an obvious option. Citizens do turn out to vote and do express their views and their discontent. Some political parties however do suggest that leaving Belgium behind altogether might be better than just muddling through. This book is based on ten years of research on political participation and representation in Belgium by the interuniversity research team PartiRep. Using several surveys among the population and politicians, voting aid applications, focus groups and experiments it draws a picture of a parliamentary and representative democracy that faces multiple tensions and multiple gaps. It discusses a wide range of political processes and actors, placing them in a comparative perspective, and exploring to what extent the Belgian case fits into the general picture. The chapters of the book deal with political socialization, political parties, representation, economic voting, preference voting and personalized voting, democratic preferences, identity politics and campaign effects and on the way in which elites and citizens try to find their way and make sense of this complex multi-level and linguistically divided country in the heart of the European Union.