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This book has its origins in an M.I.T. research project that was funded by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Our immediate objective was to prepare a set of case studies that examined bargaining and negotiation as they occurred between government, environmental advocates, and regulatees throughout the traditional regulatory process. The project was part of a larger effort by the EPA to make environmental regulation more efficient and less litigious. The principal investigator for the research effort was Lawrence Sus skind of the Department of Urban Studies and Planning. Eight case studies were prepared under the joint supervision of Susskind and the authors of this book. Studying the negotiating behavior of parties as we worked our way through an environmental dispute proved enlightening. We observed missed oppor tunities for settlement, negotiating tactics that backfired, and strategies that ap peared to be grounded more in intuition than in thoughtful analysis. At the same time, however, we were struck by how often the parties ultimately managed to muddle through. People negotiated not out of some idealistic commitment to consensus but because they thought it better served their own interests. When some negotiations reached an impasse, people improvised mediation. These disputants succeeded in spite of legal and institutional barriers, even though few of them had a sophisticated understanding of negotiation."
This book has its origins in an M.I.T. research project that was funded by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Our immediate objective was to prepare a set of case studies that examined bargaining and negotiation as they occurred between government, environmental advocates, and regulatees throughout the traditional regulatory process. The project was part of a larger effort by the EPA to make environmental regulation more efficient and less litigious. The principal investigator for the research effort was Lawrence Sus skind of the Department of Urban Studies and Planning. Eight case studies were prepared under the joint supervision of Susskind and the authors of this book. Studying the negotiating behavior of parties as we worked our way through an environmental dispute proved enlightening. We observed missed oppor tunities for settlement, negotiating tactics that backfired, and strategies that ap peared to be grounded more in intuition than in thoughtful analysis. At the same time, however, we were struck by how often the parties ultimately managed to muddle through. People negotiated not out of some idealistic commitment to consensus but because they thought it better served their own interests. When some negotiations reached an impasse, people improvised mediation. These disputants succeeded in spite of legal and institutional barriers, even though few of them had a sophisticated understanding of negotiation."
Assessing the role of government regulation in occupational safety issues. In 1977, a grain elevator explosion in Westwego, Louisiana, took the lives of thirty-five workers. The next year, fifty-one men who were working on cooling tower for a West Viginia power plant died when their support scaffolding collapsed. And more recently, a Senate subcommittee hearing revealed that the incidence of lung cancer among uranium miners is nearly four times the national average rate for men of the same age. Clearly, as Lawrence Bacow writes in this book, occupational safety and health is a big problem that may be getting bigger.What can be done about it? This book argues that OSHA is not up to the task. Most accidents are caused by hazards that are unique to individual firms. A single regulatory authority like OSHA cannot be everywhere at once; it lacks the resources needed to ferret out firm-specific hazards and to ensure day-to-day compliance with health and safety regulations. If government is to make the workplace safe, it must enlist the help of the parties that have the greatest influence over safety and health on the job-labor and management.Bargaining for Job Safety and Health examines how labor and management work together and against each other to abate occupational hazards. It describes OSHA's influence, both positive and negative, over collective bargaining on health and safety issues. Through a series of case studies in develops a theory to explain why some unions are more aggressive than others in pursuing health and safety objectives. The book also outlines strategies that OSHA might take to encourage labor and management to assume a larger role in curbing job hazards through collective bargaining. Although it focuses on job safety and health, this book draws a number of very interesting parallels between OSHA and other types of regulatory programs. It should interest a wide audience, including labor and management officials, health and safety professionals, policymakers, labor relations scholars, and others interested in regulatory reform and program design.
A memoir of MIT life, from being Noam Chomsky's boss to negotiating with student protesters. When Jay Keyser arrived at MIT in 1977 to head the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, he writes, he "felt like a fish that had been introduced to water for the first time." At MIT, a colleague grabbed him by the lapels to discuss dark matter; Noam Chomsky called him "boss" (double SOB spelled backward?); and engaging in conflict resolution made him feel like "a marriage counselor trying to reconcile a union between a Jehovah's witness and a vampire." In Mens et Mania, Keyser recounts his academic and administrative adventures during a career of more than thirty years. Keyser describes the administrative side of his MIT life, not only as department head but also as Associate Provost and Special Assistant to the Chancellor. Keyser had to run a department ("budgets were like horoscopes") and negotiate student grievances-from the legality of showing Deep Throat in a dormitory to the uproar caused by the arrests of students for anti-apartheid demonstrations. Keyser also describes a visiting Japanese delegation horrified by the disrepair of the linguistics department offices (Chomsky tells them "Our motto is: Physically shabby. Intellectually first class."); convincing a student not to jump off the roof of the Green Building; and recent attempts to look at MIT through a corporate lens. And he explains the special faculty-student bond at MIT: the faculty sees the students as themselves thirty years earlier. Keyser observes that MIT is hard to get into and even harder to leave, for faculty as well as for students. Writing about retirement, Keyser quotes the song Groucho Marx sang in Animal Crackers as he was leaving a party-"Hello, I must be going." Students famously say "Tech is hell." Keyser says,"It's been a helluva party." This entertaining and thought-provoking memoir will make readers glad that Keyser hasn't quite left.
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