|
Showing 1 - 5 of
5 matches in All Departments
The European Union is China's largest trading partner, and Chinese
views of the EU are of crucial importance in shaping how the
relationship will develop in the future, especially as the new
Chinese leadership takes power. This book presents the findings of
an extensive research project into the views of both elite groups,
in government, business, academia, media and social activists, and
the Chinese public towards Europe and the European Union. It
considers attitudes on a wide range of subjects, and reaches a
number of interesting, encouraging conclusions. These include the
fact that as Chinese people's knowledge of, and travel to, Europe
becomes more extensive, Chinese attitudes towards Europe become
more positive; that Chinese people have a high regard for European
culture and a high degree of trust in Europeans; though there are
significant differences between different Chinese groups concerning
controversial issues in the China-EU relationship. Overall, the
book concludes that the Chinese public opinion supports a strong
bilateral relation.
Popular protests are on the rise in China. However, since
protesters rely on existing channels of participation and on
patronage by elite backers, the state has been able to stymie
attempts to generalize resistance and no large scale political
movements have significantly challenged party rule. Yet the Chinese
state is not monolithic. Decentralization has increased the power
of local authorities, creating space for policy innovations and
opening up the political opportunity structure. Popular protest in
China - particularly in urban realm- not only benefits from the
political fragmentation of the state, but also from the political
communications revolution. The question of how and to what extent
the internet can be used for mobilizing popular resistance in China
is hotly debated. The government, virtual social organizations, and
individual netizens both cooperate and compete with each other on
the web. New media both increases the scope of the mobilizers and
the mobilized (thereby creating new social capital), and provides
the government with new means of social control (thereby limiting
the political impact of the growing social capital). This volume is
the first of its kind to assess the ways new media influence the
mobilization of popular resistance and its possible effects in
China today.
Popular protests are on the rise in China. However, since
protesters rely on existing channels of participation and on
patronage by elite backers, the state has been able to stymie
attempts to generalize resistance and no large scale political
movements have significantly challenged party rule. Yet the Chinese
state is not monolithic. Decentralization has increased the power
of local authorities, creating space for policy innovations and
opening up the political opportunity structure. Popular protest in
China - particularly in urban realm- not only benefits from the
political fragmentation of the state, but also from the political
communications revolution. The question of how and to what extent
the internet can be used for mobilizing popular resistance in China
is hotly debated. The government, virtual social organizations, and
individual netizens both cooperate and compete with each other on
the web. New media both increases the scope of the mobilizers and
the mobilized (thereby creating new social capital), and provides
the government with new means of social control (thereby limiting
the political impact of the growing social capital). This volume is
the first of its kind to assess the ways new media influence the
mobilization of popular resistance and its possible effects in
China today.
The European Union is China's largest trading partner, and Chinese
views of the EU are of crucial importance in shaping how the
relationship will develop in the future, especially as the new
Chinese leadership takes power. This book presents the findings of
an extensive research project into the views of both elite groups,
in government, business, academia, media and social activists, and
the Chinese public towards Europe and the European Union. It
considers attitudes on a wide range of subjects, and reaches a
number of interesting, encouraging conclusions. These include the
fact that as Chinese people's knowledge of, and travel to, Europe
becomes more extensive, Chinese attitudes towards Europe become
more positive; that Chinese people have a high regard for European
culture and a high degree of trust in Europeans; though there are
significant differences between different Chinese groups concerning
controversial issues in the China-EU relationship. Overall, the
book concludes that the Chinese public opinion supports a strong
bilateral relation.
The thirteen Asean+3 countries are inching forward toward closer
economic cooperation. Can the European Union serve as a model for
this Asian interregional integration process? Although there are
common cultural threads running through all Asean+3 countries,
these countries have not so far envisaged themselves forming a
political and supra-national legal community similar to the EU.
Nevertheless, the EU as innovator and forerunner offers Asia an
unparalleled road map to further regional integration. Where are
the boundaries of the European Model? What form will Asian economic
cooperation take? Asian and European scholars discussed these and
other pressing questions on the invitation of the EU-China European
Studies Centres Programme (ESCP) at a conference entitled «The EU's
Experience in Integration -A Model for ASEAN+3? held in Shanghai in
January 2006. Their findings are presented in this collection of
fifteen papers on politics, economics and history of the two
regions.
|
You may like...
Loot
Nadine Gordimer
Paperback
(2)
R398
R330
Discovery Miles 3 300
Not available
|