The European Union is China's largest trading partner, and Chinese views of the EU are of crucial importance in shaping how the relationship will develop in the future, especially as the new Chinese leadership takes power. This book presents the findings of an extensive research project into the views of both elite groups, in government, business, academia, media and social activists, and the Chinese public towards Europe and the European Union. It considers attitudes on a wide range of subjects, and reaches a number of interesting, encouraging conclusions. These include the fact that as Chinese people's knowledge of, and travel to, Europe becomes more extensive, Chinese attitudes towards Europe become more positive; that Chinese people have a high regard for European culture and a high degree of trust in Europeans; though there are significant differences between different Chinese groups concerning controversial issues in the China-EU relationship. Overall, the book concludes that the Chinese public opinion supports a strong bilateral relation.

The European Union is China's largest trading partner, and Chinese views of the EU are of crucial importance in shaping how the relationship will develop in the future, especially as the new Chinese leadership takes power. This book presents the findings of an extensive research project into the views of both elite groups, in government, business, academia, media and social activists, and the Chinese public towards Europe and the European Union. It considers attitudes on a wide range of subjects, and reaches a number of interesting, encouraging conclusions. These include the fact that as Chinese people's knowledge of, and travel to, Europe becomes more extensive, Chinese attitudes towards Europe become more positive; that Chinese people have a high regard for European culture and a high degree of trust in Europeans; though there are significant differences between different Chinese groups concerning controversial issues in the China-EU relationship. Overall, the book concludes that the Chinese public opinion supports a strong bilateral relation.

The thirteen Asean+3 countries are inching forward toward closer economic cooperation. Can the European Union serve as a model for this Asian interregional integration process? Although there are common cultural threads running through all Asean+3 countries, these countries have not so far envisaged themselves forming a political and supra-national legal community similar to the EU. Nevertheless, the EU as innovator and forerunner offers Asia an unparalleled road map to further regional integration. Where are the boundaries of the European Model? What form will Asian economic cooperation take? Asian and European scholars discussed these and other pressing questions on the invitation of the EU-China European Studies Centres Programme (ESCP) at a conference entitled «The EU's Experience in Integration -A Model for ASEAN+3? held in Shanghai in January 2006. Their findings are presented in this collection of fifteen papers on politics, economics and history of the two regions.

Popular protests are on the rise in China. However, since protesters rely on existing channels of participation and on patronage by elite backers, the state has been able to stymie attempts to generalize resistance and no large scale political movements have significantly challenged party rule. Yet the Chinese state is not monolithic. Decentralization has increased the power of local authorities, creating space for policy innovations and opening up the political opportunity structure. Popular protest in China - particularly in urban realm- not only benefits from the political fragmentation of the state, but also from the political communications revolution. The question of how and to what extent the internet can be used for mobilizing popular resistance in China is hotly debated. The government, virtual social organizations, and individual netizens both cooperate and compete with each other on the web. New media both increases the scope of the mobilizers and the mobilized (thereby creating new social capital), and provides the government with new means of social control (thereby limiting the political impact of the growing social capital). This volume is the first of its kind to assess the ways new media influence the mobilization of popular resistance and its possible effects in China today.

Popular protests are on the rise in China. However, since protesters rely on existing channels of participation and on patronage by elite backers, the state has been able to stymie attempts to generalize resistance and no large scale political movements have significantly challenged party rule. Yet the Chinese state is not monolithic. Decentralization has increased the power of local authorities, creating space for policy innovations and opening up the political opportunity structure. Popular protest in China - particularly in urban realm- not only benefits from the political fragmentation of the state, but also from the political communications revolution. The question of how and to what extent the internet can be used for mobilizing popular resistance in China is hotly debated. The government, virtual social organizations, and individual netizens both cooperate and compete with each other on the web. New media both increases the scope of the mobilizers and the mobilized (thereby creating new social capital), and provides the government with new means of social control (thereby limiting the political impact of the growing social capital). This volume is the first of its kind to assess the ways new media influence the mobilization of popular resistance and its possible effects in China today.