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The figure of Orpheus has long exercised a potent influence on religious thought. Yet what we know directly about Orphism comes from a scatter of isolated and often very short fragments quoted in the works of Platonists of the Roman period, notably Proclus, Damascius and Olympiodorus. The author's concern here is to establish the context in which these passages were cited, and to trace the development of the written tradition, from the texts which contain a critique of the beliefs of the Homeric era to those, whether newly composed or transformed, which show signs of adaptation to later religious and philosophical movements, among them Stoicism and Platonism. In sharp contrast to views held by others, it is argued that it is possible to map out a process of evolution, amongst other criteria by focusing on the role and place of Chronos in the Orphic theogony. The author also asks whether there really ever existed true Orphic sects with a cult with specific rites, and would conclude that the present evidence cannot be held to substantiate this. Orphee a pendant longtemps exerce une puissante influence sur la pensee religieuse. Cependant, ce que nous connaissons directement de l'OrphA-sme se reduit A une poignee de fragments isoles et souvent tres courts qui se trouvent eparpilles dans les oeuvres de Platoniciens ayant vecu sous l'Empire romain, surtout Proclus, Damascius et Olympiodore. Dans les articles qui composent ce recueil, l'auteur s'est attache A reconstituer les contextes dans lesquels ces passages sont cites, et A comprendre comment s'est developpee la tradition ecrite A laquelle ils appartiennent, depuis les textes qui critiquent les croyances vehiculees par Homere et par Hesiode et qui, ayant fait l'objet d'une redaction ou d'une transformation recente, presentent les signes d'une adaptation A des mouvements religieux ou philosophiques tardifs, le StoA-cisme et le medio-Platonisme entre autres. S'opposant en cela A b
In this concise but wide-ranging study, Luc Brisson describes how
the myths of Greece and Rome were transmitted from antiquity to the
Renaissance. He argues that philosophy was responsible for saving
myth from historical annihilation. Although philosophy was
initially critical of myth, mythology was progressively
reincorporated into philosophy through allegory. Brisson reveals
how philosophers employed allegory and how it enabled myth to take
on a number of different interpretive systems throughout the
centuries: moral, physical, psychological, political, and even
metaphysical.
We think of a myth as a fictional story, and Plato was the first to use the term "muthos" in that sense. But Plato also used "muthos" to describe the practice of making and telling myths, the oral transmission of all that a community keeps in its collective memory. In the first part of this text, Luc Brisson reconstructs Plato's multifaceted and not uncritical description of "muthos" in light of the latter's famous Atlantis story. The second part of the book contrasts this sense of myth, as Plato does, with another form of speech which he believed was far superior: the "logos" of philosophy. Brisson's work is part lexical, part philosophical, and part ethnological, and Gerard Naddaf's substantial introduction shows the originality and importance both of Brisson's method and of Plato's analysis in the context of contemporary debates over the origin and evolution of the oral tradition.
Ancient Greek thought is the essential wellspring from which the intellectual, ethical, and political civilization of the West draws and to which, even today, we repeatedly return. In more than sixty essays by an international team of scholars, this volume explores the full breadth and reach of Greek thought--investigating what the Greeks knew as well as what they thought about what they knew, and what they believed, invented, and understood about the conditions and possibilities of knowing. Calling attention to the characteristic reflexivity of Greek thought, the analysis in this book reminds us of what our own reflections owe to theirs. In sections devoted to philosophy, politics, the pursuit of knowledge, major thinkers, and schools of thought, this work shows us the Greeks looking at themselves, establishing the terms for understanding life, language, production, and action. The authors evoke not history, but the stories the Greeks told themselves about history; not their poetry, but their poetics; not their speeches, but their rhetoric. Essays that survey political, scientific, and philosophical ideas, such as those on Utopia and the Critique of Politics, Observation and Research, and Ethics; others on specific fields from Astronomy and History to Mathematics and Medicine; new perspectives on major figures, from Anaxagoras to Zeno of Elea; studies of core traditions from the Milesians to the various versions of Platonism: together these offer a sense of the unquenchable thirst for knowledge that marked Greek civilization--and that Aristotle considered a natural and universal trait of humankind. With thirty-two pages of color illustrations, this work conveys the splendor and vitality of the Greek intellectual adventure.
In his "Symposium," Plato crafted a set of speeches in praise of love that has influenced writers and artists from antiquity to the present. Early Christian writers read the dialogue's 'ascent passage' as a vision of the soul's journey to heaven. Ficino's commentary on the "Symposium" inspired poets and artists throughout Renaissance Europe and introduced 'a Platonic love' into common speech. Themes or images from the dialogue have appeared in paintings or sketches by Rubens, David, Feuerbach, and La Farge, as well as in musical compositions by Satie and Bernstein. The dialogue's view of love as 'desire for eternal possession of the good' is still of enormous philosophical interest in its own right. Nevertheless, questions remain concerning the meaning of specific features, the significance of the dialogue as a whole, and the character of its influence. This volume brings together an international team of scholars to address such questions.
The word myth is commonly thought to mean a fictional story, but
few know that Plato was the first to use the term "muthos" in that
sense. He also used "muthos" to describe the practice of making and
telling stories, the oral transmission of all that a community
keeps in its collective memory. In the first part of "Plato the
Myth Maker," Luc Brisson reconstructs Plato's multifaceted
description of "muthos" in light of the latter's Atlantis story.
The second part of the book contrasts this sense of myth with
another form of speech that Plato believed was far superior: the
"logos" of philosophy.
En Grece ancienne et a Rome jusqu'a la fin de la Republique, les etres humains et les animaux qui passaient pour etre pourvus des deux sexes etaient impitoyablement elimines, comme des monstres, comme des signes funestes envoyes aux hommes par les dieux pour annoncer la destruction de l'espece humaine. Expulsee de la realite ou maintenue en marge, la bisexualite, entendue comme possession des deux organes sexuels, joua pourtant un role important dans le mythe, qu'il s'agisse de bisexualite simultanee, ou de bisexualite successive.La bisexualite simultanee caracterise des etres qui sont des archetypes, des etre primordiaux. Dans la mesure ou c'est d'eux que derivent les dieux, les hommes et les animaux qui, pourvus d'un seul sexe, masculin ou feminin, constituent notre monde, ces archetypes doivent etre pourvus simultanement des deux sexes, car ils se trouvent en-deca de cette sexion . En l'etre humain, le souvenir de cet etat primordial suscite une nostalgie qui s'exprime avec une profonde emotion dans le mythe qu'Aristophane raconte dans le Banquet de Platon. Chaque couple, heterosexuel ou homosexuel, aux moments les plus intenses de ses unions intermittentes, desire realiser une impossible fusion permanente qui le ramenerait a cet etat anterieur ou l'etre humain etait double.La bisexualite successive revet une signification tres differente. Sont affectes successivement des deux sexes, des mediateurs et essentiellement des devins, tel Tiresias. Le fait qu'il ait ete d'abord un homme, puis une femme avant de redevenir un homme lui permet d'etablir un rapport entre le monde des hommes et celui des femmes. Tout se passe donc comme si un etre qui transcende les oppositions (hommes / dieux; ne /mort) autour desquelles s'articule la realite devait symboliser cette transcendance dans l'opposition la plus importante pour l'etre humain: l'opposition entre l'homme et la femme.Luc Brisson est directeur de recherches au CNRS. Il a publie de nombreux travaux consacres a la philosophie et la religion grecques. Aux Belles Lettres, on lui doit notamment, avec F. Walter Meyerstein, Puissance et limite de la raison. Le Probleme des valeurs (1995) et, avec Alain Segonds, la Vie de Pythagore de Jamblique (nouvelle edition, 2008).
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