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John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946) is perhaps the foremost economic
thinker of the twentieth century. On economic theory, he ranks with
Adam Smith and Karl Marx; and his impact on how economics was
practiced, from the Great Depression to the 1970s, was unmatched.
The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money was first
published in 1936. But its ideas had been forming for decades ? as
a student at Cambridge, Keynes had written to a friend of his love
for 'Free Trade and free thought'. Keynes's limpid style, concise
prose, and vivid descriptions have helped to keep his ideas alive -
as have the novelty and clarity, at times even the ambiguity, of
his macroeconomic vision. He was troubled, above all, by high
unemployment rates and large disparities in wealth and income. Only
by curbing both, he thought, could individualism, 'the most
powerful instrument to better the future', be safeguarded. The
twenty-first century may yet prove him right. In The Economic
Consequences of the Peace (1919), Keynes elegantly and acutely
exposes the folly of imposing austerity on a defeated and
struggling nation.
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Wealth of Nations (Paperback, UK ed.)
Adam Smith; Introduction by Mark G. Spencer; Series edited by Tom Griffith
1
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R198
R157
Discovery Miles 1 570
Save R41 (21%)
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Adam Smith (1723-1790) was one of the brightest stars of the
eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment. An Inquiry into the
Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations was his most important
book. First published in London in March 1776, it had been eagerly
anticipated by Smith's contemporaries and became an immediate
bestseller. That edition sold out quickly and others followed.
Today, Smith's Wealth of Nations rightfully claims a place in the
Western intellectual canon. It is the first book of modern
political economy, and still provides the foundation for the study
of that discipline. But it is much more than that. Along with
important discussions of economics and political theory, Smith
mixed plain common sense with large measures of history,
philosophy, psychology, sociology, and much else. Few texts remind
us so clearly that the Enlightenment was very much a lived
experience, a concern with improving the human condition in
practical ways for real people. A masterpiece by any measure,
Wealth of Nations remains a classic of world literature to be
usefully enjoyed by readers today.
Few writers have had a more demonstrable impact on the development
of the modern world than has Karl Marx (1818-1883). Born in Trier
into a middle-class Jewish family in 1818, by the time of his death
in London in 1883, Marx claimed a growing international reputation.
Of central importance then and later was his book Das Kapital, or,
as it is known to English readers, simply Capital. Volume One of
Capital was published in Paris in 1867. This was the only volume
published during Marx's lifetime and the only to have come directly
from his pen. Volume Two, published in 1884, was based on notes
Marx left, but written by his friend and collaborator, Friedrich
Engels (1820-1895). Readers from the nineteenth century to the
present have been captivated by the unmistakable power and urgency
of this classic of world literature. Marx's critique of the
capitalist system is rife with big themes: his theory of 'surplus
value', his discussion of the exploitation of the working class,
and his forecast of class conflict on a grand scale. Marx wrote
with purpose. As he famously put it, 'Philosophers have previously
tried to explain the world, our task is to change it.'
Notes and Introduction by Mark G. Spencer, Brock University,
Ontario John Locke (1632-1704) was perhaps the most influential
English writer of his time. His Essay concerning Human
Understanding (1690) and Two Treatises of Government (1690) weighed
heavily on the history of ideas in the eighteenth century, and
Locke's works are often ? rightly ? presented as foundations of the
Age of Enlightenment. Both the Essay and the Second Treatise (by
far the more influential of the Two Treatises) were widely read by
Locke's contemporaries and near contemporaries. His
eighteenth-century readers included philosophers, historians and
political theorists, but also community and political leaders,
engaged laypersons, and others eager to participate in the
expanding print culture of the era. His epistemological message
that the mind at birth was a blank slate, waiting to be filled,
complemented his political message that human beings were free and
equal and had the right to create and direct the governments under
which they lived. Today, Locke continues to be an accessible
author. He provides food for thought to university professors and
their students, but has no less to offer the general reader who is
eager to enjoy the classics of world literature.
A thorough examination of the influence of David Hume's work early
American political thought. This book explores the reception of
David Hume's political thought in eighteenth-century America. It
presents a challenge to standard interpretations that assume Hume's
thought had little influence in early America. Eighteenth-century
Americans are often supposed to have ignored Hume's philosophical
writings and to have rejected entirely Hume's "Tory" History of
England. James Madison, if he used Hume's ideas in Federalist No.
10, it is commonly argued, thought best to do so silently -- open
allegiance to Hume was a liability. Despite renewed debate about
the impact of Hume's political ideas in America, existing
scholarship is often narrow and highly speculative. WereHume's
works available in eighteenth-century America? If so, which works?
Where? When? Who read Hume? To what avail? To answer questions of
that sort, this books draws upon a wide assortment of evidence.
Early American bookcatalogues, periodical publications, and the
writings of lesser-light thinkers are used to describe Hume's
impact on the social history of ideas, an essential context for
understanding Hume's influence on many of the classic texts of
early American political thought. Hume's Essays and Treatises on
Several Subjects, was readily available, earlier, and more widely,
than scholars have supposed. The History of England was read most
frequently ofall, however, and often in distinctive ways. Hume's
History, which presented the British constitution as a patch-work
product of chance historical developments, informed the origins of
the American Revolution and Hume's subsequent reception through the
late eighteenth century. The 326 subscribers to the first American
edition of Hume's History [published in Philadelphia in 1795/96]
are more representative of the History's friendly reception in
enlightened America than are its few critics. Thomas Jefferson's
latter-day rejection of Hume's political thought foreshadowed
Hume's falling reputation in nineteenth-century America. MARK G.
SPENCER is Associate Professor of History at Brock University where
he holds a Chancellor's Chair for Research Excellence. His books
include Hume's Reception in Early America [2002], Utilitarians and
Their Critics in America, 1789-1914 [2005], andUlster Presbyterians
in the Atlantic World [2006].
A thorough examination of the role which David Hume's writings
played upon the founders of the United States. This book explores
the reception of David Hume's political thought in
eighteenth-century America. It presents a challenge to standard
interpretations that assume Hume's thought had little influence in
early America. Eighteenth-century Americans are often supposed to
have ignored Hume's philosophical writings and to have rejected
entirely Hume's "Tory" History of England. James Madison, if he
used Hume's ideas in Federalist No. 10, it is commonly argued,
thought best to do so silently -- open allegiance to Hume was a
liability. Despite renewed debate about the impact of Hume's
political ideas in America, existing scholarship is often narrow
and highly speculative. Were Hume's works available in
eighteenth-century America? If so, which works? Where? When? Who
read Hume? To what avail? To answer questions of that sort, this
books draws upon a wide assortment of evidence. Early American book
catalogues, periodical publications, and the writings of
lesser-light thinkers are used to describe Hume's impact on the
social history of ideas, an essential context for understanding
Hume's influence on many of the classic texts of early American
political thought. Hume's Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects,
was readily available, earlier, and more widely, than scholars have
supposed. The History of England was read most frequentlyof all,
however, and often in distinctive ways. Hume's History, which
presented the British constitution as a patch-work product of
chance historical developments, informed the origins of the
American Revolution and Hume'ssubsequent reception through the late
eighteenth century. The 326 subscribers to the first American
edition of Hume's History (published in Philadelphia in 1795-96)
are more representative of the History's friendlyreception in
enlightened America than are its few critics. Thomas Jefferson's
latter-day rejection of Hume's political thought foreshadowed
Hume's falling reputation in nineteenth-century America. MARK G.
SPENCER is Associate Professor of History at Brock University where
he holds a Chancellor's Chair for Research Excellence. His books
include Hume's Reception in Early America (2002), Utilitarians and
Their Critics in America, 1789-1914 (2005),and Ulster Presbyterians
in the Atlantic World (2006).
Eight Irish-American historians explore the changing transatlantic
character of Ulster Presbyterianism in the 18th and 19th centuries.
- Mark G. Spencer (Brock U), Peter Gilmore (Carnegie Mellon U),
Katherine Brown (Mary Baldwin College) & David A. Wilson (U
Toronto) examine the role of Ulster Presbyterians in the United
Irish movement on both sides of the Atlantic - Patrick Griffin
(Ohio U) compares and contrasts the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 in
Pennsylvania with the Defender movement in Ireland - Kerby Miller
(U Missouri) analyzes class conflict and the origins of Unionist
hegemony in early 19th-century Ulster - Kevin James (Guelph U)
explores the social underpinnings and political consequences of the
Ulster Revival of 1859 - David W. Miller (Carnegie Mellon U)
provides a broad-ranging assessment of evangelical traditions in
Scotland, Ulster and the United States
This volume provides a new and nuanced appreciation of David
Hume, the historian. Gone for good are the days when one can
offhandedly assert, as R. G. Collingwood once did, that Hume
"deserted philosophical studies in favour of historical" ones.
History and philosophy are commensurate in Hume's thought and works
from the beginning to the end. Only by recognizing this can we
begin to make sense of Hume's canon as a whole and see clearly his
many contributions to fields we now recognize as the distinct
disciplines of history, philosophy, political science, economics,
literature, religious studies, and much else besides. Casting their
individual beams of light on various nooks and crannies of Hume's
historical thought and writing, the book's contributors illuminate
the whole in a way that would not be possible from the perspective
of a single-authored study.
Aside from the editor, the contributors are David Allan, M. A.
Box, Timothy M. Costelloe, Roger L. Emerson, Jennifer Herdt, Philip
Hicks, Douglas Long, Claudia M. Schmidt, Michael Silverthorne,
Jeffrey M. Suderman, Mark R. M. Towsey, and F. L. van Holthoon.
The Encyclopedia of the American Enlightenment is the first
reference work on this key subject in early American history. With
over 500 original essays on key American Enlightenment figures, it
provides a comprehensive account to complement the intense
scholarly activity that has centered on the European Enlightenment
recently. There are substantial and original essays on the major
American Enlightenment figures, including Benjamin Franklin, Thomas
Jefferson, David Rittenhouse, Benjamin Rush, Jonathan Edwards, and
many others. The collection is wide-ranging and includes many
topical essays and entries on dozens of often-overlooked secondary
figures, offering a fresh definition of the Enlightenment in
America. It has long been known that Americans made their own
contributions to the Enlightenment, most notably by putting
Enlightenment ideas to work in defining the American Revolution,
the United States Constitution, and the nature of the early
American Republic. These volumes show that the American
Enlightenment was more far reaching than even that story assumes.
This remarkable work shows that the American Enlightenment
constitutes the central framework for understanding the development
of American history between c. 1740 and c. 1820.
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