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In Palermo Italian yes-no interrogatives, if the last syllable of a
phrase is unstressed, the nuclear pitch contour is rising-falling,
whereas if it is stressed, the contour is simply rising. Such
context-dependent variation cannot be adequately accounted for
within a British-style approach to intonation. By contrast,
autosegmental pitch accent studies of intonation, where nuclear
pitch configurations are expressed in terms of H(igh) and L(ow)
tones, are shown to offer the flexibility necessary to do so. These
tones are incorporated into a hierarchical structure in which they
have either an accentual or a primarily delimitative function. In
the former case, tones are part of a Pitch Accent which has an
association to a syllable; in the latter case, tones are associated
to nodes representing higher prosodic constituents, either the
intermediate phrase or the intonation phrase, and are realised as
boundary tones. Building on current analyses, a model is proposed
in which tones in the Pitch Accent are also hierarchically
structured, involving two levels: the Supertone and Tone. This
extended Pitch Accent structure not only explains apparent
inconsistencies in phonetic alignment in Palermo Italian, but also
accounts for equivalent consistency in alignment in English. In
addition it allows leading tones in Palermo Italian to be treated
in a qualitatively different way from leading tones in English. The
Palermo Italian interrogative marker consists of a L*+H Pitch
Accent. There is no paradigmatic contrast on the intermediate
phrase boundary tone (it is always L) which means that its function
is purely delimitative. This tone is only fully realised when a
postaccentual syllable is available to carry it; technically, it
requires a secondary attachment to a syllable. The absence of the
falling part of the L*+HL (L) configuration in phrases with no
postaccentual syllable is thus explained.
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