On June 4, 2009, President Barack Obama delivered a much-anticipated speech at Cairo University in Egypt. Coming on the heels of Obama's worldwide "Apology Tour," the speech signaled not only how Obama viewed his country, but how he would set himself apart in "a new beginning" that would change America's course from what he presented as a dangerous and belligerent approach by his predecessor, President George W. Bush. The version of history that Obama presented, however, cast the Middle East and Islam in a more favorable light than the facts would warrant. The President's Cairo Speech carries great historical and political significance because it set out Obama's Middle East policy and his vision of the United States in the international arena. It also presents insights into the character of the president. Like George Washington's Farewell Address and John F. Kennedy's Inauguration Speech, the Cairo Speech will likely be studied as an important document in American history. Obama's promise of "a new beginning" cannot yet be evaluated critically. Unfolding events - and the outcome of the promises made -- will determine the greatness of the speech. This happens only in retrospect, with the benefit of historical reflection. Unfortunately, the Cairo Speech is already being reprinted in anthologies and textbooks, and is taught to students as a hallmark of rhetorical brilliance and as an unalloyed diplomatic victory. The cult of personality that has sprung up around President Obama is carried into classrooms where educators "teaching the speech" encourage students to unquestioningly accept the President's calls for action and support. Such directives stand opposite to American traditions and ideals of independent thinking and self-government, as well as to standards of excellence in scholarship. This Dissident Prof Guide offers resources for critical thinking to students who are being asked to admire, not analyze, Obama's Cairo Speech. The Guide includes a handy point-by-point analysis of the speech, a bibliography of trusted historical sources, and an account of the numerous errors of historical fact, including those pointed out by commentators and historians in the days following the speech's delivery. It will serve as a handy reference for all who might wish to understand and analyze this pivotal moment in our nation's history. The Dissident Prof Guide includes: Summary of the purpose and strategies of political speeches, going back to Aristotle and Cicero; Analysis of rhetorical strategies employed in this speech; An overview of American foreign policy since the founding of the United States Comparisons to other speeches by Presidents Lincoln, Kennedy, and Reagan; A summary of the reactions to the speech by historians, political commentators, and American Muslims; Information about events in the Middle East since the speech was delivered; Strategies for dealing with biased assignments. Whether for the American citizen wanting a refresher on current events, history, and rhetoric, or the student faced with a biased assignment, this Guide Book will provide fair and knowledgeable information. This book will: Help the student write an A paper without compromising his principles; Help the concerned citizen make informed and reasoned arguments. Dissident Prof Guide Books are written by professors in the field and are designed to give reader-friendly advice in a succinct and lively style. Both authors, Mary Grabar and Brian Birdnow, hold Ph.D.'s (in English and history, respectively) and have each taught at the college level for decades. Both are widely published authors of articles and commentaries in general interest publications as well.

America is a nation that celebrates diversity and freedom of conscience. Yet, as Alexis de Tocqueville observed, democratic times often demand conformity. Nowadays, conformity might be enforced in the name of diversity itself, and go so far as to infringe on the rights of conscience, expression, association, and religious freedom. Americans have recently been confronted by this paradox in various ways, from federal health care mandates, to campus speech codes, to consumer boycotts, to public intimidation, to vexatious litigation, to private corporations dismissing employees for expressing certain political views. In this book, Bradley C. S. Watson brings together leading thinkers from a variety of disciplines to examine the manner and extent to which conformity is demanded by contemporary American law and social practice. Contributors also consider the long-term results of such demands for conformity for the health-and even survival-of a constitutional republic.

America is a nation that celebrates diversity and freedom of conscience. Yet, as Alexis de Tocqueville observed, democratic times often demand conformity. Nowadays, conformity might be enforced in the name of diversity itself, and go so far as to infringe on the rights of conscience, expression, association, and religious freedom. Americans have recently been confronted by this paradox in various ways, from federal health care mandates, to campus speech codes, to consumer boycotts, to public intimidation, to vexatious litigation, to private corporations dismissing employees for expressing certain political views. In this book, Bradley C. S. Watson brings together leading thinkers from a variety of disciplines to examine the manner and extent to which conformity is demanded by contemporary American law and social practice. Contributors also consider the long-term results of such demands for conformity for the health-and even survival-of a constitutional republic.

By examining the ways in which the conservative vision of the world informs certain modes of literary study and has been treated in various works of literature throughout the ages, this book seeks to recover conservatism as a viable, rigorous, intellectually sound method of critical inquiry. While it stops short of promoting political conservatism as an antidote to the dominant progressive strain of today's university, it recognizes literature's transformative power as an artistic reflection of the universal human condition. In this way, it operates against the grain of today's prevailing approaches to literature, particularly the postmodernist wave that has employed literature as a recorder of injustice rather than as evidence of artistic achievement. Therefore, the agenda is restorative, if not revolutionary, returning literature to its place as the center of a true liberal arts curriculum, one that celebrates human freedom, the unimpeded pursuit of truth, and the preservation of civilized life. Perhaps this book's greatest service is that it seeks to define conservatism in highly distinct contexts. Its authors collectively reveal that the conservative ideal lacks formulaic expression, and is thus more richly complex than it is often credited for. Conservatism is not easily defined, and by presenting such divergent expressions of it, the essays here belie the reductive generalizations so common throughout the academy. Ultimately, the conservative ideal may have much more in common with the stated goals of higher learning than has previously been acknowledged. Thus, while this book in no way seeks to directly apply conservatism to curricular matters, it does revive a competing vision of how knowledge is transmitted through art and history, while also affirming the ways in which literature functions as a forum for ideas.

The essays in this collection all treat in some way the conservative's vision of society as it is variously manifested in literary art, its scholarship, and its transmission through classical modes of liberal learning. Responding in part to the postmodernist turn in literary study, Literature and the Conservative Ideal examines the ways in which conservatism has been depicted in literature, as well as how its tendencies might restore literature's potential as an artistic reflection of the universal human condition.