This textbook offers an accessible introduction to the topic of cybersecurity ethics. The second edition has been revised and updated, and contains new chapters on social justice, AI, and Big Data. The book is split into three parts. Part I provides an introduction to the field of ethics, philosophy, and philosophy of science, three ethical frameworks - virtue ethics, utilitarian ethics, and communitarian ethics - and the notion of ethical hacking. Part II applies these frameworks to particular issues within the field of cybersecurity, including privacy rights, surveillance, and intellectual property. The third part concludes by exploring current codes of ethics used in cybersecurity, with chapters on artificial intelligence, social diversity, Big Data, and cyberwarfare. The overall aims of the book are to: Provide ethical frameworks to aid decision-making Present the key ethical issues in relation to computer security Highlight the connection between values and beliefs and the professional code of ethics The textbook also includes three different features to aid students: "Going Deeper" features provide background on individuals, events, and institutions in cybersecurity; "Critical Issues" features contemporary case studies; and "Tech Talks" contain features that assume some familiarity with technological developments. The book will be of much interest to students of cybersecurity, cyberethics, hacking, surveillance studies, ethics, and information science.

This companion provides the most comprehensive and up-to-date comparative overview of the cyber-security strategies and doctrines of the major states and actors in Europe, North America, South America, Africa, and Asia. The volume offers an introduction to each nation's cyber-security strategy and policy, along with a list of resources in English that may be consulted for those wishing to go into greater depth. Each chapter is written by a leading academic or policy specialist, and contains the following sections: overview of national cyber-security strategy; concepts and definitions; exploration of cyber-security issues as they relate to international law and governance; critical examinations of cyber partners at home and abroad; legislative developments and processes; dimensions of cybercrime and cyberterrorism; implications of cyber-security policies and strategies. This book will be of much interest to students and practitioners in the fields of cyber-security, national security, strategic studies, foreign policy, and international relations.

This textbook offers an accessible introduction to the topic of cybersecurity ethics. The second edition has been revised and updated, and contains new chapters on social justice, AI, and Big Data. The book is split into three parts. Part I provides an introduction to the field of ethics, philosophy, and philosophy of science, three ethical frameworks - virtue ethics, utilitarian ethics, and communitarian ethics - and the notion of ethical hacking. Part II applies these frameworks to particular issues within the field of cybersecurity, including privacy rights, surveillance, and intellectual property. The third part concludes by exploring current codes of ethics used in cybersecurity, with chapters on artificial intelligence, social diversity, Big Data, and cyberwarfare. The overall aims of the book are to: Provide ethical frameworks to aid decision-making Present the key ethical issues in relation to computer security Highlight the connection between values and beliefs and the professional code of ethics The textbook also includes three different features to aid students: "Going Deeper" features provide background on individuals, events, and institutions in cybersecurity; "Critical Issues" features contemporary case studies; and "Tech Talks" contain features that assume some familiarity with technological developments. The book will be of much interest to students of cybersecurity, cyberethics, hacking, surveillance studies, ethics, and information science.

Housing is no longer about having a place to live - but about state pressures to conform, norms and policies regarding citizenship, and practices of surveillance and security. Breaking new ground in the field of urban politics and international relations, Securitization of Property Squatting in Europe examines and critiques legislative initiatives and examines governmental attempts to reframe urban property squatting as a crime and a threat to domestic security. Using examples from France, Netherlands, Denmark, and Great Britain, Mary Manjikian argues that developments within the European Union - including terrorist attacks in London and Madrid, the rise of right wing extremist parties, and the lifting of barriers to immigration and travel within the EU - have had effects on housing policy, which has become the subject of state security policy in Europe's urban areas. In Denmark, squatting has often had an ideological, anti-state character. In Paris, housing policy can be viewed as a type of identity politics with squatters as transnational actors who pose a transnational security threat. In Great Britain, the role of the press has created a drive to criminalize squatting. Events in the Netherlands present two competing notions of what housing is - a human right, or an economic good produced by the free market.

Housing is no longer about having a place to live - but about state pressures to conform, norms and policies regarding citizenship, and practices of surveillance and security. Breaking new ground in the field of urban politics and international relations, Securitization of Property Squatting in Europe examines and critiques legislative initiatives and examines governmental attempts to reframe urban property squatting as a crime and a threat to domestic security. Using examples from France, Netherlands, Denmark, and Great Britain, Mary Manjikian argues that developments within the European Union - including terrorist attacks in London and Madrid, the rise of right wing extremist parties, and the lifting of barriers to immigration and travel within the EU - have had effects on housing policy, which has become the subject of state security policy in Europe's urban areas. In Denmark, squatting has often had an ideological, anti-state character. In Paris, housing policy can be viewed as a type of identity politics with squatters as transnational actors who pose a transnational security threat. In Great Britain, the role of the press has created a drive to criminalize squatting. Events in the Netherlands present two competing notions of what housing is - a human right, or an economic good produced by the free market.

'Threat Talk' exposes how US and Chinese scientists and policy-makers have understood and responded to the problem of internet addiction in their societies. Is the internet good or bad for society? American analysts like Lessig and Zittrain suggest that the internet is inherently liberating and positive for society, while Morozov and Sageman warn that the internet poses risks to citizens and societies. Using a comparative framework to illustrate how the two states differ in their assessments of the risks to citizens posed by the introduction of new technology, Mary Manjikian compellingly argues that both 'risk' and 'disease' are ideas which are understood differently at different historic periods and in different cultures. Her culturalist approach claims that the internet is neither inherently helpful, nor inherently threatening. Rather, its role and the dangers it poses may be understood differently by different societies. Is the internet good or bad for society? The answer, it appears, is 'it depends'.

'Threat Talk' exposes how US and Chinese scientists and policy-makers have understood and responded to the problem of internet addiction in their societies. Is the internet good or bad for society? American analysts like Lessig and Zittrain suggest that the internet is inherently liberating and positive for society, while Morozov and Sageman warn that the internet poses risks to citizens and societies. Using a comparative framework to illustrate how the two states differ in their assessments of the risks to citizens posed by the introduction of new technology, Mary Manjikian compellingly argues that both 'risk' and 'disease' are ideas which are understood differently at different historic periods and in different cultures. Her culturalist approach claims that the internet is neither inherently helpful, nor inherently threatening. Rather, its role and the dangers it poses may be understood differently by different societies. Is the internet good or bad for society? The answer, it appears, is 'it depends'.

This companion provides the most comprehensive and up-to-date comparative overview of the cyber-security strategies and doctrines of the major states and actors in Europe, North America, South America, Africa, and Asia. The volume offers an introduction to each nation's cyber-security strategy and policy, along with a list of resources in English that may be consulted for those wishing to go into greater depth. Each chapter is written by a leading academic or policy specialist, and contains the following sections: overview of national cyber-security strategy; concepts and definitions; exploration of cyber-security issues as they relate to international law and governance; critical examinations of cyber partners at home and abroad; legislative developments and processes; dimensions of cybercrime and cyberterrorism; implications of cyber-security policies and strategies. This book will be of much interest to students and practitioners in the fields of cyber-security, national security, strategic studies, foreign policy, and international relations.

This is the first work to engage with intelligence studies through the lens of queer theory. Adding to the literature in critical intelligence studies and critical international relations theory, this work considers the ways in which both the spy, and the activities of espionage can be viewed as queer. Part One argues that the spy plays a role which represents a third path between the hard power of the military and the soft power of diplomacy. Part Two shows how the intelligence community plays a key role in enabling leaders of democracies to conduct covert activities running counter to that mission and ideology, in this way allowing a leader to have two foreign policies-an overt, public policy and a second, closeted, queer foreign policy.

This is the first work to engage with intelligence studies through the lens of queer theory. Adding to the literature in critical intelligence studies and critical international relations theory, this work considers the ways in which both the spy, and the activities of espionage can be viewed as queer. Part One argues that the spy plays a role which represents a third path between the hard power of the military and the soft power of diplomacy. Part Two shows how the intelligence community plays a key role in enabling leaders of democracies to conduct covert activities running counter to that mission and ideology, in this way allowing a leader to have two foreign policies-an overt, public policy and a second, closeted, queer foreign policy.

In recent years, international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have described U.S.-led drone strikes in Pakistan, Syria, Afghanistan, and elsewhere as atrocities and even war crimes. Both the International Committee of the Red Cross and Human Rights Watch have asked whether the United States is violating the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC), with Human Rights Watch suggesting that the United States should be prosecuted for its actions. At the same time, the International Committee for Robot Arms Control (ICRAC) has called for greater regulation of what they term killer robots. How might military leaders best respond to these allegations? In this insightful analysis, Dr. Mary Manjikian offers a framework for understanding the different types of anti-drone arguments made by policymakers, NGOs, academics, and other states.

In recent years, analysts have begun discussing strategies for securing entities in cyberspace including the files and software belonging to corporations, government institutions, and private individuals. Increasingly, analysts have suggested utilizing two types of deterrence strategies: deterrence by denial and deterrence by punishment. In determining how both deterrence strategies might be applied to preventing hostile individuals, states, and nonstate actors from entering cyberspace and inflicting damage there, analysts have borrowed from deterrence strategies that have been framed for a variety of other situations. While the tendency among members of the military community is to look to other military situations such as nuclear war, or the use of biological or chemical weapons in which deterrence strategies may have been used, it is my contention that these scenarios are not necessarily the best fit for describing what happens in cyberspace.

The term "confidence-building measures" is not new. The idea that international actors can come together to share information about their activities in order to establish trust, prevent misunderstandings and misperceptions and de-escalate conflicts is one that has a long pedigree. The development of confidence- building measures in the areas of biological and chemical warfare date back to the beginning of the 20th century. Confidence-building measures aimed at de-escalating conflicts along the Indo-Pakistan border date back to the 1970s. But what do these diverse events have to offer us as lessons as we think about confidence-building measures in cyberspace? Dr. Mary Manjikian's insightful analysis suggests that both territorially based and weapons-based confidence-building measures can provide models for the ways in which states can learn to cooperate and share information in regard to cyberspace and cyber weapons.

In the 2014 Quadrennial Defense Review, military planners speak at great length about the importance of rebalancing our armed forces. As a result of the Budget Control Act of 2011, our U.S. Armed Forces have absorbed significant budget cuts, which are projected to continue into 2016. Not surprisingly, a major theme of the Quadrennial Defense Review is the necessity of making tough choices in a period of fiscal austerity.1 As Dr. Manjikian's analysis points out, however, many of the themes raised by policymakers, military analysts and the general public in relation to this new politics of austerity are not actually new. Rather, such conversations have taken place at the end of U.S. military actions after the Korean War, in Vietnam, and at the end of the Cold War.

Introduction to Cyber Politics and Policy is a comprehensive introductory textbook for cyber politics and security courses, and the perfect addition to any International Relations or Intelligence course. Written by Mary Manjikian, an expert in the field and an instructor who has taught the course for ten years, it assumes no prior knowledge of technical concepts, legal concepts, military concepts or international relations theory. Instead, she aims to bridge the gaps between the intricacies of technology and the theories of political science. The book emphasizes the importance of collaboration and understanding between the two fields - students from both technology and political science backgrounds need to understand the implications of technology decisions and the policy questions that arise from them in order to make a meaningful contribution to ever-changing field.

Mary Manjikian s Apocalypse and Post-Politics: The Romance of the End advances the thesis that only those who feel the most safe and whose lives are least precarious can engage in the sort of storytelling which envisions erasing civilization. Apocalypse-themed novels of contemporary America and historic Britain, then, are affirmed as a creative luxury of development. Manjikian examines a number of such novels using the lens of an international relations theorist, identifying faults in the logic of the American exceptionalists who would argue that America is uniquely endowed with resources and a place in the world, both of which make continued growth and expansion simultaneously desirable and inevitable. In contrast, Manjikian shows, apocalyptic narratives explore America as merely one nation among many, whose trajectory is neither unique nor destined for success. Apocalypse and Post-Politics ultimately argues that the apocalyptic narrative provides both a counterpoint and a corrective to the narrative of exceptionalism. Apocalyptic concepts provide a way for contemporary Americans to view the international system from below: from the perspective of those who are powerless rather than those who are powerful. This sort of theorizing is also useful for intelligence analysts who question how it all will end, and whether America s decline can be predicted or prevented.

Mary Manjikian's Apocalypse and Post-Politics: The Romance of the End advances the thesis that only those who feel the most safe and whose lives are least precarious can engage in the sort of storytelling which envisions erasing civilization. Apocalypse-themed novels of contemporary America and historic Britain, then, are affirmed as a creative luxury of development. Manjikian examines a number of such novels using the lens of an international relations theorist, identifying faults in the logic of the American exceptionalists who would argue that America is uniquely endowed with resources and a place in the world, both of which make continued growth and expansion simultaneously desirable and inevitable. In contrast, Manjikian shows, apocalyptic narratives explore America as merely one nation among many, whose trajectory is neither unique nor destined for success. Apocalypse and Post-Politics ultimately argues that the apocalyptic narrative provides both a counterpoint and a corrective to the narrative of exceptionalism. Apocalyptic concepts provide a way for contemporary Americans to view the international system from below: from the perspective of those who are powerless rather than those who are powerful. This sort of theorizing is also useful for intelligence analysts who question how it all will end, and whether America's decline can be predicted or prevented.