There is an institutionalized dilemma in Europe that counteracts social cohesion and stability. It is a result of the collision and incompatibility between declarations of universal values (such as human rights and democracy) and institutionalized actions which exclude and discriminate against Europeans of immigrant background and against ethnic minorities.

This book analyzes the institutional patterns and politics of ?racial? discrimination in modern-day Europe. Based on a research project that has been carried out under the leadership of the author in eight European countries, Racial Discrimination seeks the answers to some of the key questions posed by the latest developments in European political and public spheres concerning immigration and the increase in xenophobic sentiments and parties.

The book will appeal to all social and political scientists interested in the latest political developments in Europe and in the problems of democratic citizenship and the efforts to move toward an integrated European community.

Presents innovative ideas and suggestions for a revolutionary social work aim at promoting systemic changes and eliminating the roots of social problems. Provides case-studies from South Africa, Chile, Iran, Europe, Australia and the USA. Includes contributions from some of the most high-profile critical and radical social work academics writing today.

How have three decades of neoliberalism affected the Nordic welfare states as well as the organisation, education and practices of social work in those countries? During recent decades the welfare states of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden have gone through dramatic changes infl uenced by the political triumph of neoliberalism. This has led to both the electoral success of extreme right and mainstream neoliberal parties, and to the neoliberal ideological transformations of social democratic parties. The neoliberal doctrine of making governance cheaper has thus been made the focus of governance and has led to increased marginalisation and social problems. This is the first book to comparatively explore the role of neoliberal reforms on social work and social policy across the Nordic welfare states. The richly theoretical and empirical chapters explore and illustrate the consequences of the dominance of neoliberal policies and provide an analysis of the effects of globalisation, glocalisation, welfare nationalism, symbolic violence and forced migration. The book provides valuable insights into the shortcomings of retreating welfare states in a time of increasing glocal social problems. Neoliberalism, Nordic Welfare States and Social Work should be considered essential reading for critical social work education. Students, scholars, educators and researchers of Nordic countries and beyond have much to learn from this book.

This book analyses the role of war and violence (in both its physical and symbolic forms) for social work in a time of neoliberal globalisation from a social justice perspective. It argues that the consequences of wars, in both their old and new forms, and the exercise of symbolic violence for the practices of social work at national and global levels have been ignored. This work explores the relationship between recent neoliberal and global transformations and their consequences for intensifying 'new wars' and conflicts in non-Western countries on the one hand, and the increasing symbolic violence against marginalised people with immigrant and non-Western background in many Western countries, on the other. The analytical approach of the book, based on the theories of multiple modernities and symbolic violence, is unique since no other work has applied such theoretical perspectives for analysing inequalities in relation to the condition of lives of non-Western people living in Western and non-Western countries. This is a necessary contribution for social work education and research since the discipline needs new theoretical perspectives to be able to meet the new challenges raised by recent global transformations and neoliberal globalisation.

First published in 1998, Revolutionary Iran investigates two major political transformations in the modern history of Iran: the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-09 and the Islamic Revolution 1976-79 and their relation to the modernization of Iran in this century. It addresses a core question: Why did the clergy not take political power in the Constitutional Revolution when Iran was a traditional society and they played a key leadership role in the revolution; yet they succeeded in the more modern Iran of 1979. Characterization of socio-economic relationships between the two major influential groups of civil society in Iran and their role in political transformation is considered central for answering such a question. The book deals with revolution in terms of relationships between civil society and state; which, it is argued, are central to analysing and understanding modern movements in Iran and other Islamic countries. The major contribution of the book can be summarized as follows: It identifies a socio-political division of power and influence between state and civil society during a long period of Iran's Islamic history as the key theoretical basis for understanding modern transformations of Iranian society. Such a division has, so far, been largely ignored. It explores the clergy and bazaris as the social basis of civil society in Iran, and challenges Gellner's viewpoint that an Islamic civil society is an impossibility. It argues that the modernization of religion and the creation of modern political theories by the clergy were both crucial means for defeating a modern authoritarian state and seizing political power. It identifies the main social group without whom the Islamic Revolution of Iran would not have achieved political victory, i.e., the dispossessed. It presents a theoretical basis for analysing and understanding new Islamic movements in the Islamic world.

First published in 1998, Revolutionary Iran investigates two major political transformations in the modern history of Iran: the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-09 and the Islamic Revolution 1976-79 and their relation to the modernization of Iran in this century. It addresses a core question: Why did the clergy not take political power in the Constitutional Revolution when Iran was a traditional society and they played a key leadership role in the revolution; yet they succeeded in the more modern Iran of 1979. Characterization of socio-economic relationships between the two major influential groups of civil society in Iran and their role in political transformation is considered central for answering such a question. The book deals with revolution in terms of relationships between civil society and state; which, it is argued, are central to analysing and understanding modern movements in Iran and other Islamic countries. The major contribution of the book can be summarized as follows: It identifies a socio-political division of power and influence between state and civil society during a long period of Iran's Islamic history as the key theoretical basis for understanding modern transformations of Iranian society. Such a division has, so far, been largely ignored. It explores the clergy and bazaris as the social basis of civil society in Iran, and challenges Gellner's viewpoint that an Islamic civil society is an impossibility. It argues that the modernization of religion and the creation of modern political theories by the clergy were both crucial means for defeating a modern authoritarian state and seizing political power. It identifies the main social group without whom the Islamic Revolution of Iran would not have achieved political victory, i.e., the dispossessed. It presents a theoretical basis for analysing and understanding new Islamic movements in the Islamic world.

This book explores the consequences of the last three decades' substantial neoliberal securitisation of freedom of speech, democracy and social security of racialised groups. Its empirical material contains in-depth interviews with racialised politicians, journalists, academics and civil society activists in Sweden. Like many other countries, Sweden has combined a neoliberal reorganisation of society with securitisation policies in which 'the war on terror' has played a central role. In order to understand the complexity of neoliberal securitisation policies and the analysis of the empiric material, the study makes use of central theoretical concepts, such as 'the spiral of silence', 'symbolic violence', 'governmentalisation' and 'neoliberal racism.' It will be of particular interest to students and scholars of political sociology, social policy and social work.

This book explores the consequences of the last three decades' substantial neoliberal securitisation of freedom of speech, democracy and social security of racialised groups. Its empirical material contains in-depth interviews with racialised politicians, journalists, academics and civil society activists in Sweden. Like many other countries, Sweden has combined a neoliberal reorganisation of society with securitisation policies in which 'the war on terror' has played a central role. In order to understand the complexity of neoliberal securitisation policies and the analysis of the empiric material, the study makes use of central theoretical concepts, such as 'the spiral of silence', 'symbolic violence', 'governmentalisation' and 'neoliberal racism.' It will be of particular interest to students and scholars of political sociology, social policy and social work.

How have three decades of neoliberalism affected the Nordic welfare states as well as the organisation, education and practices of social work in those countries? During recent decades the welfare states of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden have gone through dramatic changes infl uenced by the political triumph of neoliberalism. This has led to both the electoral success of extreme right and mainstream neoliberal parties, and to the neoliberal ideological transformations of social democratic parties. The neoliberal doctrine of making governance cheaper has thus been made the focus of governance and has led to increased marginalisation and social problems. This is the first book to comparatively explore the role of neoliberal reforms on social work and social policy across the Nordic welfare states. The richly theoretical and empirical chapters explore and illustrate the consequences of the dominance of neoliberal policies and provide an analysis of the effects of globalisation, glocalisation, welfare nationalism, symbolic violence and forced migration. The book provides valuable insights into the shortcomings of retreating welfare states in a time of increasing glocal social problems. Neoliberalism, Nordic Welfare States and Social Work should be considered essential reading for critical social work education. Students, scholars, educators and researchers of Nordic countries and beyond have much to learn from this book.

This book analyses the role of war and violence (in both its physical and symbolic forms) for social work in a time of neoliberal globalisation from a social justice perspective. It argues that the consequences of wars, in both their old and new forms, and the exercise of symbolic violence for the practices of social work at national and global levels have been ignored. This work explores the relationship between recent neoliberal and global transformations and their consequences for intensifying 'new wars' and conflicts in non-Western countries on the one hand, and the increasing symbolic violence against marginalised people with immigrant and non-Western background in many Western countries, on the other. The analytical approach of the book, based on the theories of multiple modernities and symbolic violence, is unique since no other work has applied such theoretical perspectives for analysing inequalities in relation to the condition of lives of non-Western people living in Western and non-Western countries. This is a necessary contribution for social work education and research since the discipline needs new theoretical perspectives to be able to meet the new challenges raised by recent global transformations and neoliberal globalisation.