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This book presents a new view of American policymaking, focusing on
networks of actors responsible for policymaking. Policy change is
not easily predictable from election results or public opinion
because compromise and coalitions among individual actors make a
difference in all three branches of government. The amount of
government action, the issue content of policy changes, and the
ideological direction of policy all depend on the joint actions of
executive officials, legislators, and interest group leaders. The
patterns of cooperation among policymakers and activists make each
issue area and time period different from the others and undermine
attempts to build an unchanging unified model of American
policymaking. In Artists of the Possible, Matt Grossman undertakes
a rigorous content analysis of 268 books and articles on the
history of 14 different major policy areas over 60 years, compiling
and integrates these findings to assess the factors that drive
policymaking. His findings-which collectively uncover the 790 most
significant policy enactments of the federal government and credit
1,306 specific actors for their role in policy change, along with
more than 60 circumstantial factors-overturn established theories
of policymaking. First, significant policy change does not follow
from the issue agenda of the electorate or policymakers. Second,
neither changes in public opinion nor the ideology or partisanship
of government officials reliably influence the amount or content of
policy change. Instead, the patterns of cooperation and compromise
among political elites drive the productivity and ideological
direction of policymaking. Third, the policymaking roles of public
opinion, media coverage, research, and international factors are
all limited. Fourth, no typology can explain differences in
policymaking across issue areas because the policy process is
broadly similar except for a few idiosyncratic differences
associated with each issue area.
Lobbyist tends to be used as a dirty word in politics. Indeed,
during the 2008 presidential primary campaign, Hillary Clinton was
derided for even suggesting that some lobbyists represent real
Americans. But although many popular commentators position interest
groups as representatives of specialOConot publicOCointerests, much
organized advocacy is designed to advance public interests and
ideas.
Advocacy organizationsOComore than 1,600 of themOCoare now an
important component of national political institutions. This book
uses original data to explain why certain public groups, such as
Jews, lawyers, and gun-owners, develop substantially more
representation than others, and why certain organizations become
the presumed spokespersons for these groups in government and
media. In contrast to established theory and conventional wisdom,
this book demonstrates that groups of all sizes and types generate
advocates to speak on their behalf, though with varying levels of
success. Matt Grossmann finds that the advantages of organized
representation accrue to those public groups that are the most
politically motivated and involved in their communities.
Organizations that mobilize members and create a long-lasting
presence in Washington become, in the minds of policymakers and
reporters, the taken-for-granted surrogates for these public
groups. In the face of perennial debates about the relative power
of the people and the special interests, Grossmann offers an
informed and nuanced view of the role of organizations in public
representation and American governance.
"Lobbyist" tends to be used as a dirty word in politics. Indeed,
during the 2008 presidential primary campaign, Hillary Clinton was
derided for even suggesting that some lobbyists represent "real
Americans." But although many popular commentators position
interest groups as representatives of special--not
"public"--interests, much organized advocacy is designed to advance
public interests and ideas.
Advocacy organizations--more than 1,600 of them--are now an
important component of national political institutions. This book
uses original data to explain why certain public groups, such as
Jews, lawyers, and gun-owners, develop substantially more
representation than others, and why certain organizations become
the presumed spokespersons for these groups in government and
media. In contrast to established theory and conventional wisdom,
this book demonstrates that groups of all sizes and types generate
advocates to speak on their behalf, though with varying levels of
success. Matt Grossmann finds that the advantages of organized
representation accrue to those public groups that are the most
politically motivated and involved in their communities.
Organizations that mobilize members and create a long-lasting
presence in Washington become, in the minds of policymakers and
reporters, the taken-for-granted surrogates for these public
groups. In the face of perennial debates about the relative power
of the people and the special interests, Grossmann offers an
informed and nuanced view of the role of organizations in public
representation and American governance.
Reflecting cutting edge scholarship but written for undergraduates,
New Directions in Interest Group Politics will help students think
critically about influence in the American political system. There
is no shortage of fear about "the special interests" in American
political debate, but reliable information about what interest
groups do, who they represent, and how they influence government is
often lacking. This volume, comprised of original essays by leading
scholars, is designed to summarize and explain contemporary
research that helps address popular questions and concerns, making
studies accessible to undergraduate students and providing facts to
butress informed debate. The book covers the mobilization of
interest groups, their activities, and their influence. Each
chapter briefly reviews research on a central question of
scholarship before focusing on a particular empirical project
designed to shed light on the topic. Rather than simply providing a
descriptive overview, the chapters are designed to foster critical
thinking by getting students to assess the role of interest groups
in the American political system and supplying evidence of their
effects. Importantly, a set of web resources associated with the
book offer instructions for research and writing assignments.
Students will be able to collect and analyze data on campaign
finance, lobbying, and interest group involvement in governance.
The eResource website includes materials for several classroom
simulations, such as an interest group legislative battle, a
Netroots convention, and a rule-making process. As they read about
key questions in democratic government and current research trends,
students can practice serving as interest group activists and
conduct original research on topics that most interest them.
Reflecting cutting edge scholarship but written for undergraduates,
New Directions in Interest Group Politics will help students think
critically about influence in the American political system. There
is no shortage of fear about "the special interests" in American
political debate, but reliable information about what interest
groups do, who they represent, and how they influence government is
often lacking. This volume, comprised of original essays by leading
scholars, is designed to summarize and explain contemporary
research that helps address popular questions and concerns, making
studies accessible to undergraduate students and providing facts to
butress informed debate. The book covers the mobilization of
interest groups, their activities, and their influence. Each
chapter briefly reviews research on a central question of
scholarship before focusing on a particular empirical project
designed to shed light on the topic. Rather than simply providing a
descriptive overview, the chapters are designed to foster critical
thinking by getting students to assess the role of interest groups
in the American political system and supplying evidence of their
effects. Importantly, a set of web resources associated with the
book offer instructions for research and writing assignments.
Students will be able to collect and analyze data on campaign
finance, lobbying, and interest group involvement in governance.
The eResource website includes materials for several classroom
simulations, such as an interest group legislative battle, a
Netroots convention, and a rule-making process. As they read about
key questions in democratic government and current research trends,
students can practice serving as interest group activists and
conduct original research on topics that most interest them.
Over the last quarter century, a nationalized and increasingly
conservative Republican Party made unprecedented gains at the state
level, winning control of twenty-four new state governments.
Liberals and conservatives alike anticipated far-reaching
consequences, but what has the Republican revolution in the states
achieved? Red State Blues shows that, contrary to liberals' fears,
conservative state governments have largely failed to enact
policies that advance conservative goals or reverse prior liberal
gains. Matt Grossmann tracks policies and socioeconomic outcomes
across all 50 states, interviews state insiders, and considers the
full issue agenda. Although Republicans have been effective at
staying in power, they have not substantially altered the nature or
reach of government. Where they have had policy victories, the
consequences on the ground have been surprisingly limited. A sober
assessment of Republican successes and failures after decades of
electoral victories, Red State Blues highlights the stark limits of
the conservative ascendancy.
Over the last quarter century, a nationalized and increasingly
conservative Republican Party made unprecedented gains at the state
level, winning control of twenty-four new state governments.
Liberals and conservatives alike anticipated far-reaching
consequences, but what has the Republican revolution in the states
achieved? Red State Blues shows that, contrary to liberals' fears,
conservative state governments have largely failed to enact
policies that advance conservative goals or reverse prior liberal
gains. Matt Grossmann tracks policies and socioeconomic outcomes
across all 50 states, interviews state insiders, and considers the
full issue agenda. Although Republicans have been effective at
staying in power, they have not substantially altered the nature or
reach of government. Where they have had policy victories, the
consequences on the ground have been surprisingly limited. A sober
assessment of Republican successes and failures after decades of
electoral victories, Red State Blues highlights the stark limits of
the conservative ascendancy.
This book presents a new view of American policymaking, focusing on
networks of actors responsible for policymaking. Policy change is
not easily predictable from election results or public opinion
because compromise and coalitions among individual actors make a
difference in all three branches of government. The amount of
government action, the issue content of policy changes, and the
ideological direction of policy all depend on the joint actions of
executive officials, legislators, and interest group leaders. The
patterns of cooperation among policymakers and activists make each
issue area and time period different from the others and undermine
attempts to build an unchanging unified model of American
policymaking. In Artists of the Possible, Matt Grossman undertakes
a rigorous content analysis of 268 books and articles on the
history of 14 different major policy areas over 60 years, compiling
and integrates these findings to assess the factors that drive
policymaking. His findings-which collectively uncover the 790 most
significant policy enactments of the federal government and credit
1,306 specific actors for their role in policy change, along with
more than 60 circumstantial factors-overturn established theories
of policymaking. First, significant policy change does not follow
from the issue agenda of the electorate or policymakers. Second,
neither changes in public opinion nor the ideology or partisanship
of government officials reliably influence the amount or content of
policy change. Instead, the patterns of cooperation and compromise
among political elites drive the productivity and ideological
direction of policymaking. Third, the policymaking roles of public
opinion, media coverage, research, and international factors are
all limited. Fourth, no typology can explain differences in
policymaking across issue areas because the policy process is
broadly similar except for a few idiosyncratic differences
associated with each issue area.
It seems like most of what we read about the academic social
sciences in the mainstream media is negative. The field is facing
mounting criticism, as canonical studies fail to replicate,
questionable research practices abound, and researcher social and
political biases come under fire. In response to these criticisms,
Matt Grossmann, in How Social Science Got Better, provides a robust
defense of the current state of the social sciences. Applying
insights from the philosophy, history, and sociology of science and
providing new data on research trends and scholarly views, he
argues that, far from crisis, social science is undergoing an
unparalleled renaissance of ever-broader understanding and
application. According to Grossmann, social science research today
has never been more relevant, rigorous, or self-reflective because
scholars have a much better idea of their blind spots and biases.
He highlights how scholars now closely analyze the impact of
racial, gender, geographic, methodological, political, and
ideological differences on research questions; how the incentives
of academia influence our research practices; and how universal
human desires to avoid uncomfortable truths and easily solve
problems affect our conclusions. Though misaligned incentive
structures of course remain, a messy, collective deliberation
across the research community has shifted us into an unprecedented
age of theoretical diversity, open and connected data, and public
scholarship. Grossmann's wide-ranging account of current trends
will necessarily force the academy's many critics to rethink their
lazy critiques and instead acknowledge the path-breaking advances
occurring in the social sciences today.
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