These papers aim to provide a substantial review of the literature pertaining to a comprehensive range of traditional and contemporary research paradigms and research methods. The book is designed as a reference work for novice researchers in the fields of geographical and environmental education.

This text takes issue with arguments that security studies is a discipline of limited use in making sense of the post-Cold War world. It argues that many of the most interesting theoretical issues in international relations can most usefully be studied through a prism labelled "security studies". The book combines chapters which provide a variety of critical perspectives on the discipline and address a diverse range of theoretical concerns, with chapters that examine such substantive issues as weapons proliferation and the changing meaning of "security" for actors in the erstwhile conflict between East and West.

This text takes issue with arguments that security studies is a discipline of limited use in making sense of the post-Cold War world. It argues that many of the most interesting theoretical issues in international relations can most usefully be studied through a prism labelled "security studies." The book combines chapters which provide a variety of critical perspectives on the discipline and address a diverse range of theoretical concerns, with chapters that examine such substantive issues as weapons proliferation and the changing meaning of "security" for actors in the erstwhile conflict between East and West.

Across the globe, from mega-cities to isolated resource enclaves, the provision and governance of security takes place within assemblages that are de-territorialized in terms of actors, technologies, norms and discourses. They are embedded in a complex transnational architecture, defying conventional distinctions between public and private, global and local. Drawing on theories of globalization and late modernity, along with insights from criminology, political science and sociology, Security Beyond the State maps the emergence of the global private security sector and develops a novel analytical framework for understanding these global security assemblages. Through in-depth examinations of four African countries - Kenya, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and South Africa - it demonstrates how global security assemblages affect the distribution of social power, the dynamics of state stability, and the operations of the international political economy, with significant implications for who gets secured and how in a global era.

Across the globe, from mega-cities to isolated resource enclaves, the provision and governance of security takes place within assemblages that are de-territorialized in terms of actors, technologies, norms and discourses. They are embedded in a complex transnational architecture, defying conventional distinctions between public and private, global and local. Drawing on theories of globalization and late modernity, along with insights from criminology, political science and sociology, Security Beyond the State maps the emergence of the global private security sector and develops a novel analytical framework for understanding these global security assemblages. Through in-depth examinations of four African countries - Kenya, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and South Africa - it demonstrates how global security assemblages affect the distribution of social power, the dynamics of state stability, and the operations of the international political economy, with significant implications for who gets secured and how in a global era.

Realism is commonly portrayed as theory that reduces international relations to pure power politics. Michael Williams provides an important reexamination of the Realist tradition and its relevance for contemporary international relations. Examining three thinkers commonly invoked as Realism's foremost proponents - Hobbes, Rousseau, and Morgenthau - the book shows that, far from advocating a crude realpolitik, Realism's most famous classical proponents actually stressed the need for a restrained exercise of power and a politics with ethics at its core. These ideas are more relevant than ever at a time when the nature of responsible responses to international problems are at the centre of contemporary political debate. This original interpretation of major thinkers will interest scholars of international relations and the history of ideas.

Realism is commonly portrayed as theory that reduces international relations to pure power politics. Michael Williams provides an important reexamination of the Realist tradition and its relevance for contemporary international relations. Examining three thinkers commonly invoked as Realism's foremost proponents - Hobbes, Rousseau, and Morgenthau - the book shows that, far from advocating a crude realpolitik, Realism's most famous classical proponents actually stressed the need for a restrained exercise of power and a politics with ethics at its core. These ideas are more relevant than ever at a time when the nature of responsible responses to international problems are at the centre of contemporary political debate. This original interpretation of major thinkers will interest scholars of international relations and the history of ideas.

"Alongside the crescent, the star of the Soviets will be the great battle emblem..." - Tan Malaka Twice in this century the people of Banten have risen in revolt against those they considered to be their oppressors. On both occasions the leadership of the revolts was largely religious and yet at the same time announced to all that it was Communist. The revolutionary leadership successfully portrayed their ideology as both past and future. In 1926 and again in 1945, revolt was to be the harbinger of freedom from colonial rule and the dawn of a new era of social justice and prosperity. These are familiar themes of Communist-inspired revolt, but the Bantenese revolutionaries also delved deep into their past history to proclaim that the advent of Communist revolt would also lead to the restoration of the Sultanate of Banten. The Banten region illustrates strikingly that the movement from "archaic" to modern forms of political protest is not lineal but dialectical. As Geertz has perceptively remarked, "there is in such matters no simple progression from 'traditional' to 'modern,' but a twisting, spasmodic, unmethodical movement which turns as often toward repossessing the emotions of the past as disowning them." This dialectical connection between future, present, and past was evident not only in the ideology of the two main revolts, but also in the social composition of the revolutionary leadership. In both uprisings descendants of the former Sultans of Banten, called tubagus, and others holding noble titles they had borne from old, played a prominent role. Indeed one of the very first actions of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) branch in 1925 was to demand compensation and pensions for all who bore the title tubagus from a sultanate abolished nearly a century before. They rubbed shoulders in the revolutionary leadership with other traditional leaders of peasant revolt, such as the Islamic teachers, the ulama, and the local men of violence, the jawara, but also with more "modern" revolutionaries such as artisans, printers, journalists, and trade unionists. In short, the uncompromising insistence on modernity that was to be a hallmark of the PKI after 1951 was certainly not a prominent feature of the movement in the 1920s or in 1945.