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Despite some progress over the past few decades against racial
inequalities and race relations, American society continues to
produce racial attitudes and institutional discrimination that
reinforce the racial divide. Activists and scholars have long
argued over the best way to end racial division and solutions tend
to fall into two main categories: those who argue that whites bear
more responsibility for ending racial inequality through
reparations and affirmative action, and those who argue that the
responsibility ultimately resides with non-whites who support
colorblindness and conformity to mainstream values and culture. To
show why these solutions won't work, Emerson and Yancey first offer
a historical overview of racism in American society. They document
the move from white supremacy to institutional racism, and then
briefly look at modern efforts to overcome the racialized nature of
our society. The authors argue that both progressive and
conservative approaches have failed, as they continually fall
victim to forces of ethnocentrism and group interest. Through
ethnocentrism, it is unlikely that whites or people of color are
willing to consider the needs and concerns of other racial groups.
This leads to actions shaped by a desire to promote group interests
whereby majority group members promote philosophies that support a
racial status quo that works to their advantage, while minority
groups encourage any proactive remedy for racial justice. And both
groups pursue these interests regardless of the outcome for others,
making it impossible to find solutions that work for everyone.
Emerson and Yancey then move on to explore group interest in more
depth and possible ways to account for the perspectives of both
majority and minority group members. They look to multiracial
congregations, multiracial families, the military, and sports
teams-all situations in which group interests have been overcome
before. In each context they find the development of a core set of
values that binds together different racial groups along with the
flexibility to express racially-based cultural uniqueness that does
not conflict with this "critical core." These elements form the
basis of their mutual obligations approach which calls for a
careful definition of the racial problem, the identification of a
critical core, recognition of cultural differences, and solutions
that take account of the concerns of other racial groups. Though
Transcending Racial Barriers offers a balanced approach towards
dealing with racial alienation, it is a bold step forward in the
debate about what sort of public policies can overcome the
ethnocentrism inherent in so much of the racism we suffer from.
The five unresolved separatist conflicts of the post-Soviet space
in Eastern Europe are the biggest risk to Europe's stability and
security. Four of these - Abkhazia, South Ossetia in Georgia,
Transnistria in Moldova, and Nagorny Karabakh contested between
Armenia and Azerbaijan - date back to around the collapse of the
Soviet Union in 1991-2, and became called 'frozen conflicts'. The
fifth is Ukraine's Donbas, which in 2014 saw large parts of its
Donetsk and Luhansk regions violently separate from Kyiv at a cost
of 13,000 human lives so far, due crucially to Russia's supporting
hybrid warfare there. This book is the first to give an up-to-date
account of all five conflicts in an analytically consistent manner.
It charts new territory in exploring systematically a full range of
scenarios for the possible future of all five conflicts and offers
a basis of sound information for officials, diplomats, scholars and
the general public.
The signing of the Association Agreement and DCFTA between Moldova
and the European Union in 2014 was a strategic political act to
deepen the realisation of Moldova's 'European choice'. Of all the
EU's eastern neighbours, Moldova is objectively the most European
on several accounts, including sharing a common history, language,
culture and border with its direct neighbour and now EU member
state Romania. This signifies highly positive foundations for
making a success of the Agreement, notwithstanding the major
political and economic challenges that contemporary Moldova faces.
The purpose of this Handbook is to make the legal content of the
Association Agreement clearly comprehensible. It covers all the
significant political and economic chapters of the Agreement, and
in each case explains the meaning of the commitments made by
Moldova and the challenges posed by their implementation. A unique
reference source for this historic act, this Handbook is intended
for professional readers, namely officials, parliamentarians,
diplomats, business leaders, lawyers, consultants, think tanks,
civil society organisations, university teachers, trainers,
students and journalists. The work has been carried out by two
teams of researchers from leading independent think tanks, CEPS in
Brussels and the Expert-Grup in Chisinau, with the support of the
Swedish International Development Agency (Sida). It is one of a
trilogy of Handbooks, with the other two volumes examining similar
Association Agreements made by the EU with Ukraine and Georgia.
Sociology of Religion is a collection that seeks to explore the
relationship between the structure and culture of religion and
various elements of social life in the United States. This reader
is an ideal standalone course text and can also serve as supplement
to the text written by the same author team, Religion Matters
(Routledge, 2010). Based on both classic and contemporary research
in the sociology of religion, this new, third edition highlights a
variety of research methods and theoretical approaches to studying
the sociological elements of religion. It explores the ways in
which religious values, beliefs and practices shape the world
outside of church, synagogue, or mosque walls while simultaneously
being shaped by the non-religious forces operating in that world.
Sociology of Religion is a collection that seeks to explore the
relationship between the structure and culture of religion and
various elements of social life in the United States. This reader
is an ideal standalone course text and can also serve as supplement
to the text written by the same author team, Religion Matters
(Routledge, 2010). Based on both classic and contemporary research
in the sociology of religion, this new, third edition highlights a
variety of research methods and theoretical approaches to studying
the sociological elements of religion. It explores the ways in
which religious values, beliefs and practices shape the world
outside of church, synagogue, or mosque walls while simultaneously
being shaped by the non-religious forces operating in that world.
This book provides a much-needed accessible and non-technical account of a highly topical issue - European Monetary Union. It is a coherent and authoritative statement of the view of the Commission of the European Communities by its chief economist. The book has already been written about in the Financial Times, and it should attract much media attention on publication.
Conservative Protestants are mentioned repeatedly in the ongoing
conversation about social capital, individualism, and community in
the United States. As John Wilson notes in his introduction,
evangelicals are frequently discussed either as a threat to civil
society or as apparent counterexamples to the prevailing view of
American society's fragmentation. The essays in this volume take
another look at the role of evangelicals in American civic life.
The prominent contributors examine evangelicals' beliefs and
activity on topics ranging from bioethics to race relations and
welfare reform to international human rights. Taken together, the
essays show that, contrary to what critics have proclaimed, the
social commitment of evangelicals extends considerably beyond
family-related issues, and that their activity in the public sphere
makes an essential contribution to the public good. Clearly written
and persuasively argued, A Public Faith: Evangelicals and Civic
Engagement is a powerful correction to the misconceptions about
evangelicals that abound in the current civil-society debate.
Co-published with the Ethics and Public Policy Center.
Die Wissenschaft kann durch nichts ersetzt werden. Sie achtet
darauf, daB die Re- geln der Kunst eingehalten werden. Auch auf die
Gefahr hin, uns mitunter zu ermU- den, macht sie uns darauf
aufmerksam, daB die verschiedenen Teile eines Werkes ein
ausgewogenes Ganzes bilden mUssen. Kohiirenz und Geschlossenheit
sind ihr ein Be- durfnis. Der Berieht, mit dem die Kommission der
Europaischen Gemeinschaft eine kleine Gruppe von
Wirtschaftswissenschaftlern unter der Leitung von T. Padoa-Schioppa
beauftragt hat, ist ein wissenschaftliehes Werk. Das heiBt jedoch
nicht, daB es nicht realitatsbezogen ware: Primar aus der Sieht der
Wirtschaftswissenschaft wird nach einer Antwort auf zwei aktuelle
Fragen gesucht, namlich welche Schwierigkeiten sich auf dem Weg zur
Verwirklichung des groBen Binnenmarktes bis 1992 ergeben werden und
wie das funktionale System der Gemeinschaft angepaBt werden sollte,
urn diesen Schwierigkeiten bestmoglich zu begegnen. Wer praktische
Erfahrungen beim Aufbau Europas gesammelt hat, wird bei der
Aufzahlung der Schwierigkeiten nicht Uberrascht sein. Ich mochte
allerdings auf den originellen Ansatz hinweisen, den die Verfasser
des Beriehts zur Darstellung dieser Schwierigkeiten gewahlt haben.
Nach Ansicht der Autoren erhellt dieser Ansatz, weshalb sieh
bestimmte "natUrliche" Wege der Wirtschaftsintegration in der
Praxis als zu eng herausgestellt haben: - Die Regel des
komparativen Vorteils fUr bestimmte Sektoren, die haufig zur Be-
grUndung der Bewegung und des Nutzens des AuBenhandels angefUhrt
wird, ist nach Auffassung unserer Autoren nicht mehr alleinige
Antriebskraft der Handels- integration. Die mikrookonomische
Komplementaritat zwischen ahnlich struktu- rierten Wirtschaften
dUrfte nieht weniger ausschlaggebend sein.
For Ukraine, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA
with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic
geopolitical significance. Emblematic of the struggle to replace
the Yanukovych regime at home and to resist attempts by Russia to
deny its 'European choice', the Association Agreement is a defiant
statement of Ukraine's determination to become an independent
democratic state. The purpose of this Handbook is to make the
complex political, economic and legal content of the Association
Agreement readily understandable. This third edition, published
seven years since signature of after entry into force of the
Agreement's implementation is substantially new in content, both
updating how Ukraine has been implementing the Agreement, and
introducing new dimensions (including the Green Deal, the Covid-19
pandemic, cyber security, and gender equality). The Handbook is
also up to date in analysing Ukraine's the development of the
Zelensky administration, with its unfinished agenda for cutting
corruption and reforming the rule of law. Two teams of researchers
from leading independent think tanks, CEPS in Brussels and the
Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting (IER) in
Kyiv, collaborated on this project, with the support of the Swedish
International Development Agency (Sida). This Handbook is one of a
trilogy examining similar Association Agreements made by the EU
with Georgia and Moldova.
For Georgia, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA
with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic
geopolitical significance. Of all the EU's eastern partners, the
country distinguished itself since the Rose Revolution of 2003 by
pushing ahead with a radical liberalisation and economic reform
agenda. Georgia is unique among the countries in the region for
having largely cleansed its economy of corruption in the post-Rose
Revolution period, although its political system is marked by
oligarchal state capture since the change of government in 2012.
The purpose of this Handbook is to make the complex political,
economic and legal content of the Association Agreement readily
understandable. This third edition, published seven years since
signature of after entry into force of the Agreement's
implementation is substantially new in content, both updating how
Georgia has been implementing the Agreement, and introducing new
dimensions (including the Green Deal, the Covid-19 pandemic, cyber
security, and gender equality). The Handbook is also up to date in
analysing Georgia's troubled democracy. Two teams of researchers
from leading independent think tanks, CEPS in Brussels and
Reformatics in Tbilisi, collaborated on this project, with the
support of the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida).
This Handbook is one of a trilogy examining similar Association
Agreements made by the EU with Ukraine and Moldova.
At a time when many regions of the world, Europe included, see a
resurgence of authoritarianism, several countries in Eastern
Europe: Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and Armenia, are struggling to
counter this trend by developing European-style democracies. In
this second edition, three years after the first, the story of
Eastern Europe's dramatic struggles to achieve properly functioning
democracies and the rule of law rages on, warranting deeper
analysis and substantial updating. Highlights during this period
include the spectacular ascent but questionable achievements of
Vladimir Zelensky in Ukraine, the rise and fall of the pro-Russian
presidency of Igor Dodon in Moldova, the deterioration of Georgia's
democracy under oligarchic state capture, and the advent to power
of Nikol Pashinyan in Armenia, now threatened by defeat in the
second war over Nagorno Karabakh.
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1 + 1 = 1 (Paperback)
Derek Chinn; Foreword by Michael Emerson
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R607
Discovery Miles 6 070
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Ships in 10 - 15 working days
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Despite some progress over the past few decades against racial
inequalities and race relations, American society continues to
produce racial attitudes and institutional discrimination that
reinforce the racial divide. Activists and scholars have long
argued over the best way to end racial division and solutions tend
to fall into two main categories: those who argue that whites bear
more responsibility for ending racial inequality through
reparations and affirmative action, and those who argue that the
responsibility ultimately resides with non-whites who support
colorblindness and conformity to mainstream values and culture. To
show why these solutions won't work, Emerson and Yancey first offer
a historical overview of racism in American society. They document
the move from white supremacy to institutional racism, and then
briefly look at modern efforts to overcome the racialized nature of
our society. The authors argue that both progressive and
conservative approaches have failed, as they continually fall
victim to forces of ethnocentrism and group interest. Through
ethnocentrism, it is unlikely that whites or people of color are
willing to consider the needs and concerns of other racial groups.
This leads to actions shaped by a desire to promote group interests
whereby majority group members promote philosophies that support a
racial status quo that works to their advantage, while minority
groups encourage any proactive remedy for racial justice. And both
groups pursue these interests regardless of the outcome for others,
making it impossible to find solutions that work for everyone.
Emerson and Yancey then move on to explore group interest in more
depth and possible ways to account for the perspectives of both
majority and minority group members. They look to multiracial
congregations, multiracial families, the military, and sports
teams-all situations in which group interests have been overcome
before. In each context they find the development of a core set of
values that binds together different racial groups along with the
flexibility to express racially-based cultural uniqueness that does
not conflict with this "critical core." These elements form the
basis of their mutual obligations approach which calls for a
careful definition of the racial problem, the identification of a
critical core, recognition of cultural differences, and solutions
that take account of the concerns of other racial groups. Though
Transcending Racial Barriers offers a balanced approach towards
dealing with racial alienation, it is a bold step forward in the
debate about what sort of public policies can overcome the
ethnocentrism inherent in so much of the racism we suffer from.
For Georgia, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA
with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic
geopolitical significance. Of all the EU’s eastern partners, the
country distinguished itself since the Rose Revolution of 2003 by
pushing ahead with a radical liberalisation and economic reform
agenda. Georgia is unique among the countries in the region for
having largely cleansed its economy of corruption in the post-Rose
Revolution period, although its political system is marked by
oligarchal state capture since the change of government in 2012.
The purpose of this Handbook is to make the complex political,
economic and legal content of the Association Agreement readily
understandable. This third edition, published seven years since
signature of after entry into force of the Agreement’s
implementation is substantially new in content, both updating how
Georgia has been implementing the Agreement, and introducing new
dimensions (including the Green Deal, the Covid-19 pandemic, cyber
security, and gender equality). The Handbook is also up to date in
analysing Georgia’s troubled democracy. Two teams of researchers
from leading independent think tanks, CEPS in Brussels and
Reformatics in Tbilisi, collaborated on this project, with the
support of the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida).
This Handbook is one of a trilogy examining similar Association
Agreements made by the EU with Ukraine and Moldova.
For Moldova, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA
with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic
geopolitical significance. Of all the EU's eastern neighbours,
Moldova is objectively the most European on several counts,
including sharing a common history, language, culture and border
with EU member state Romania. These provide a positive foundation
for a successful Agreement, notwithstanding the major political
challenges that confront contemporary Moldova. The purpose of this
Handbook is to make the complex political, economic and legal
content of the Association Agreement readily understandable. This
third edition, published seven years since signature of after entry
into force of the Agreement's implementation is substantially new
in content, both updating how Moldova has been implementing the
Agreement, and introducing new dimensions (including the Green
Deal, the Covid-19 pandemic, cyber security, and gender equality).
The Handbook is also up to date in analysing Moldova's dramatic
political swings between the recent pro-Russian and new
pro-European presidencies. Two teams of researchers from leading
independent think tanks, CEPS in Brussels and the Expert-Grup in
Chisinau, collaborated on this project, with the support of the
Swedish International Development Agency (Sida). This Handbook is
one of a trilogy examining similar Association Agreements made by
the EU with Ukraine and Georgia.
For Moldova, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA
with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic
geopolitical significance. Of all the EU's eastern neighbours,
Moldova is objectively the most European on several counts,
including sharing a common history, language, culture and border
with EU member state Romania. These provide a positive foundation
for a successful Agreement, notwithstanding the major political
challenges that confront contemporary Moldova. The purpose of this
Handbook is to make the complex political, economic and legal
content of the Association Agreement readily understandable. This
third edition, published seven years since signature of after entry
into force of the Agreement's implementation is substantially new
in content, both updating how Moldova has been implementing the
Agreement, and introducing new dimensions (including the Green
Deal, the Covid-19 pandemic, cyber security, and gender equality).
The Handbook is also up to date in analysing Moldova's dramatic
political swings between the recent pro-Russian and new
pro-European presidencies. Two teams of researchers from leading
independent think tanks, CEPS in Brussels and the Expert-Grup in
Chisinau, collaborated on this project, with the support of the
Swedish International Development Agency (Sida). This Handbook is
one of a trilogy examining similar Association Agreements made by
the EU with Ukraine and Georgia.
For Ukraine, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA
with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic
geopolitical significance. Emblematic of the struggle to replace
the Yanukovych regime at home and to resist attempts by Russia to
deny its 'European choice', the Association Agreement is a defiant
statement of Ukraine's determination to become an independent
democratic state. The purpose of this Handbook is to make the
complex political, economic and legal content of the Association
Agreement readily understandable. This third edition, published
seven years since signature of after entry into force of the
Agreement's implementation is substantially new in content, both
updating how Ukraine has been implementing the Agreement, and
introducing new dimensions (including the Green Deal, the Covid-19
pandemic, cyber security, and gender equality). The Handbook is
also up to date in analysing Ukraine's the development of the
Zelensky administration, with its unfinished agenda for cutting
corruption and reforming the rule of law. Two teams of researchers
from leading independent think tanks, CEPS in Brussels and the
Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting (IER) in
Kyiv, collaborated on this project, with the support of the Swedish
International Development Agency (Sida). This Handbook is one of a
trilogy examining similar Association Agreements made by the EU
with Georgia and Moldova.
At a time when many regions of the world, Europe included, see a
resurgence of authoritarianism, several countries in Eastern
Europe: Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and Armenia, are struggling to
counter this trend by developing European-style democracies. In
this second edition, three years after the first, the story of
Eastern Europe's dramatic struggles to achieve properly functioning
democracies and the rule of law rages on, warranting deeper
analysis and substantial updating. Highlights during this period
include the spectacular ascent but questionable achievements of
Vladimir Zelensky in Ukraine, the rise and fall of the pro-Russian
presidency of Igor Dodon in Moldova, the deterioration of Georgia's
democracy under oligarchic state capture, and the advent to power
of Nikol Pashinyan in Armenia, now threatened by defeat in the
second war over Nagorno Karabakh.
The five unresolved separatist conflicts of the post-Soviet space
in Eastern Europe are the biggest risk to Europe's stability and
security. Four of these - Abkhazia, South Ossetia in Georgia,
Transnistria in Moldova, and Nagorny Karabakh contested between
Armenia and Azerbaijan - date back to around the collapse of the
Soviet Union in 1991-2, and became called 'frozen conflicts'. The
fifth is Ukraine's Donbas, which in 2014 saw large parts of its
Donetsk and Luhansk regions violently separate from Kyiv at a cost
of 13,000 human lives so far, due crucially to Russia's supporting
hybrid warfare there. This book is the first to give an up-to-date
account of all five conflicts in an analytically consistent manner.
It charts new territory in exploring systematically a full range of
scenarios for the possible future of all five conflicts and offers
a basis of sound information for officials, diplomats, scholars and
the general public.
At a time when many regions of the world, including Europe, see a
resurgence of authoritarianism, three countries of Eastern Europe -
Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova - are struggling to counter this trend
with the aim of developing European-style democracies in the
framework of their Association Agreements with the European Union.
This book offers an in-depth analysis of this challenge, with
expert contributions on the workings of these countries' democratic
and judicial institutions, their anti-corruption policies and the
hazards they must overcome, including the strong presence of
oligarchs. Other themes include how these countries are adapting to
their precarious geo-political positioning between the EU and
Russia and how the quality of their political and economic
governance compares with the Balkan states. The book complements
three landmark Handbooks (now in their 2nd edition and also
published by Rowman & Littlefield International) explaining the
progress achieved in implementing the comprehensive Association
Agreements that each of these countries has entered into with the
EU. The struggle to advance good democratic governance in these
close neighbours of the EU represents a test case of the highest
strategic significance for both the EU and the three states
themselves. For the most part, the jury is still out over its
outcome.
At a time when many regions of the world, including Europe, see a
resurgence of authoritarianism, three countries of Eastern Europe -
Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova - are struggling to counter this trend
with the aim of developing European-style democracies in the
framework of their Association Agreements with the European Union.
This book offers an in-depth analysis of this challenge, with
expert contributions on the workings of these countries' democratic
and judicial institutions, their anti-corruption policies and the
hazards they must overcome, including the strong presence of
oligarchs. Other themes include how these countries are adapting to
their precarious geo-political positioning between the EU and
Russia and how the quality of their political and economic
governance compares with the Balkan states. The book complements
three landmark Handbooks (now in their 2nd edition and also
published by Rowman & Littlefield International) explaining the
progress achieved in implementing the comprehensive Association
Agreements that each of these countries has entered into with the
EU. The struggle to advance good democratic governance in these
close neighbours of the EU represents a test case of the highest
strategic significance for both the EU and the three states
themselves. For the most part, the jury is still out over its
outcome.
For Ukraine, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA
with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic
geopolitical significance. Emblematic of the struggle to replace
the Yanukovych regime at home and to resist attempts by Russia to
deny its 'European choice', the Association Agreement is a defiant
statement of Ukraine's determination to become an independent
democratic state. The purpose of this Handbook is to make the
complex political, economic and legal content of the Association
Agreement readily understandable. This second edition, published
two years into the Agreement's implementation, adds new value,
charting Ukraine's progress in putting the Agreement into effect.
Two teams of researchers from leading independent think tanks, CEPS
in Brussels and the Institute for Economic Research and Policy
Consulting (IER) in Kyiv, collaborated on this project, with the
support of the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida).
This Handbook is one of a trilogy examining similar Association
Agreements made by the EU with Georgia and Moldova.
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