|
Showing 1 - 12 of
12 matches in All Departments
Power inequalities and mistrust have characterized many interstate
relationships. Yet most international relations theories do not
take into account power and mistrust when explaining cooperation.
While some scholars argue that power relations inhibit cooperation
between states, other scholars expect interstate cooperation
regardless of the power relations and level of trust. Strategic
Cooperation: Overcoming the Barriers of Global Anarchy argues that
although states benefit from cooperation, they are also wary of the
power relations between states, making cooperation difficult.
Successful and cooperative bilateral relationships are formed
between strong and weak states that are power asymmetric and have
mistrust of one another, but they are built in such as way as to
overcome the problem of power asymmetry and mistrust. This book
answers how and why states that are in power asymmetry and have
mistrust of one another are able to build a cooperative bilateral
relationship. It argues that states forge a relationship due to
strategic needs such as economic or security needs. Slobodchikoff
has developed a database composed of the whole population of
bilateral treaties between Russia and each of the former Soviet
republics, and examines all of these bilateral relationships. He
finds that Russia indeed forged relationships with the former
republics based on its strategic interests. However, despite
Russia's strategic interests, it had to build a bilateral
relationship that would address the issues of mistrust and power
asymmetry between the states. To achieve this, Russia and the
former Soviet republics created treaty networks, which served to
legitimize as well as legalize the independent status of each of
the former republics while also increasing the cost to Russia of
violating any of the treaties. This book argues that strong treaty
networks account for a more cooperative relationship between
states, allowing both states to cooperate by alleviating the
problems of mistrust and power asymmetry.
Eurasianism: An Ideology for the Multipolar World investigates the
ideology of Eurasianism, a political doctrine that founds its
principles on geopolitics and conservatism. Specifically, the book
examines neo-Eurasianist thought and its implications for the
international system. After collocating Eurasianism in the spectrum
of conservative theories, the research analyzes its historical
evolution from the early 20th century to its contemporary
manifestations. Pizzolo describes the liaison between Eurasianism
and geopolitics, describing the nature of geopolitics and the main
theories that highlight the relevance of the Eurasian landmass,
including Mackinder's "Heartland theory", Spykman's "Rimland
theory", and Haushofer's "Kontinentalblock" project. The book also
focuses on the central elements of the neo-Eurasianist ideology,
including the key features of the so-called "Fourth Political
Theory", arguing that Eurasianism could represent a theoretical
contribution for the advent of the multipolar world.
The end of the Cold War heralded in a new era for liberalism.
Eastern European states adopted democracy and capitalism to gain
acceptance by the West. Yet, a mere two decades later, liberalism
was in crisis. The rise of illiberal democracies and nationalist
movements in the second decade of the twenty-first century have
left scholars baffled. How could this happen? Dr's. Davis and
Slobodchikoff show that the decline of the liberal order lies
within its own ideology: as it champions freedom, liberalism
requires its adherents to give up their cultural traditions and
adopt the global ethos to be legitimate. Through a systematic
analysis of Western and Russian soft power in Poland and Serbia,
the authors explain the decline of liberalism and the battle over
the balance of power in Eastern Europe.
Generational conflicts occur in any society and prove to be both a
puzzle and a rite of passage for every generation. Older
generations often find it difficult to relate to the younger
generations. Yet, as every generation comes of age, it leaves an
impact on societal structures as a whole. Between baby boomers and
millennials, societal norms and values transform in new and
unexpected ways. While globalization has greatly contributed to the
generational gaps world over, the post-communist transition, which
occurred in the wake of the collapse of the USSR, left lasting and
profound effects on these transitioning societies. This book
investigates the generational conflict in the post-Soviet societies
and argues that the generational divide runs deep. The post-Soviet
generation, Generation WhY, has not dealt with the experience of
old Soviet structures and they do not share the same values and
norms as their parents and grandparents. Individualism, lack of
trust in state institutions, independence, and entrepreneurial
spirit run high among the members of the perestroika generation.
Yet we still find differences between societies. While the
Russian-Ukrainian conflict has its roots in a number of deeply
seeded issues, this analysis shows that the generational gap is a
part of the problem. This book also offers conclusive evidence to
suggest that the members of the post-Soviet generation can be part
of the solution.
This book examines Russia's emergence after the collapse of the
Soviet Union and its creation of a security architecture in the
post-Soviet space. Many scholars argue that Russia is a coercive
power in the region that forces states to act in only its own
interests. While acknowledging Russia's power this author argues
that it is not able to merely force states to behave as it wants
them to. Instead, Russia must use bilateral and multilateral
cooperation to develop a security architecture that provides order,
stability and predictable behavior for both Russia as the hegemon
and the weaker powers in the region. By building this security
architecture, Russia and the other states in the post-Soviet space
are better able to achieve their strategic goals and provide for
their own security. To achieve this, weaker states are able to
press for certain concessions from Russia regarding how to
structure bilateral relations as well as multilateral
organizations. While Western politicians have argued that Russia
has tried to reestablish the Soviet Union through coercive means,
the reality is much more of a nuanced interaction among all of the
states in the region, which ensures state sovereignty while
allowing the weaker states to pursue their own interests. Using
network analysis, this author shows how the regional structural
architecture of cooperation was built and indicate how Russia is
able to achieve order. This book also shows that there is a lack of
order where states have refused to cooperate in building the
structural architecture, which has led to conflict and territorial
disputes.
Power inequalities and mistrust have characterized many interstate
relationships. Yet most international relations theories do not
take into account power and mistrust when explaining cooperation.
While some scholars argue that power relations inhibit cooperation
between states, other scholars expect interstate cooperation
regardless of the power relations and level of trust. Strategic
Cooperation: Overcoming the Barriers of Global Anarchy argues that
although states benefit from cooperation, they are also wary of the
power relations between states, making cooperation difficult.
Successful and cooperative bilateral relationships are formed
between strong and weak states that are power asymmetric and have
mistrust of one another, but they are built in such as way as to
overcome the problem of power asymmetry and mistrust. This book
answers how and why states that are in power asymmetry and have
mistrust of one another are able to build a cooperative bilateral
relationship. It argues that states forge a relationship due to
strategic needs such as economic or security needs. Slobodchikoff
has developed a database composed of the whole population of
bilateral treaties between Russia and each of the former Soviet
republics, and examines all of these bilateral relationships. He
finds that Russia indeed forged relationships with the former
republics based on its strategic interests. However, despite
Russia's strategic interests, it had to build a bilateral
relationship that would address the issues of mistrust and power
asymmetry between the states. To achieve this, Russia and the
former Soviet republics created treaty networks, which served to
legitimize as well as legalize the independent status of each of
the former republics while also increasing the cost to Russia of
violating any of the treaties. This book argues that strong treaty
networks account for a more cooperative relationship between
states, allowing both states to cooperate by alleviating the
problems of mistrust and power asymmetry.
This book examines Russia's emergence after the collapse of the
Soviet Union and its creation of a security architecture in the
post-Soviet space. Many scholars argue that Russia is a coercive
power in the region that forces states to act in only its own
interests. While acknowledging Russia's power this author argues
that it is not able to merely force states to behave as it wants
them to. Instead, Russia must use bilateral and multilateral
cooperation to develop a security architecture that provides order,
stability and predictable behavior for both Russia as the hegemon
and the weaker powers in the region. By building this security
architecture, Russia and the other states in the post-Soviet space
are better able to achieve their strategic goals and provide for
their own security. To achieve this, weaker states are able to
press for certain concessions from Russia regarding how to
structure bilateral relations as well as multilateral
organizations. While Western politicians have argued that Russia
has tried to reestablish the Soviet Union through coercive means,
the reality is much more of a nuanced interaction among all of the
states in the region, which ensures state sovereignty while
allowing the weaker states to pursue their own interests. Using
network analysis, this author shows how the regional structural
architecture of cooperation was built and indicate how Russia is
able to achieve order. This book also shows that there is a lack of
order where states have refused to cooperate in building the
structural architecture, which has led to conflict and territorial
disputes.
This book tells the story of insurgency in Ukraine's Donbas region
from the perspective of the rebels, who sought and continue to seek
either independence from Ukraine or unification with Russia. As
such, it provides a unique insight into their thinking and
motivations, which need to be understood if the conflict is to be
resolved. Those making and remaking the conflict are placed in the
centre of the story which uses the words of the combatants
themselves. It shows how volunteer fighters, driven by a wide and
diffuse set of motivations, emerged from Ukraine, Russia, and
different parts of the world, stood at the rebellion's heart. The
book focuses on the participants' own voices and personalities,
drawing extensively on first-hand research and interviews. Rather
than rendering Ukraine a chess piece on the geopolitical board, the
rebellion shows that ordinary people, rather than elites, can act
as a decisive force. Donbas says something about why large numbers
of people make the decision to take part in a collective violent
action, when material rewards are low or non-existent, and mortal
risks high. It stands as an important text on the study of modern
insurgencies, revealing how violent conflicts happen via issues of
politicized identity and involvement of non-state actors. This book
places this conflict into the context of other conflicts worldwide
and demonstrates how ideas and narratives are constructed to
provide meaning to a struggle. The insurgency has produced a
conflict sub-culture, rich with symbolism, narrative, and
communications, made possible by the digital age and a social
media-savvy population. These beliefs and ideas have had the power
to pull people from different parts of the world. This book follows
the stages of assembling different conflict ingredients together,
and the rebellion's zigzagging fortunes after it became apparent
that Moscow was not going to repeat the Crimea scenario in Donbas.
It analyses the logic of armed struggle and the tactics deployed by
warring parties. It also sheds light on the developments in Moscow,
discusses the phenomenon of the Russian Spring movement and
concludes with the prospects for a peaceful solution.
Eurasianism: An Ideology for the Multipolar World investigates the
ideology of Eurasianism, a political doctrine that founds its
principles on geopolitics and conservatism. Specifically, the book
examines neo-Eurasianist thought and its implications for the
international system. After collocating Eurasianism in the spectrum
of conservative theories, the research analyzes its historical
evolution from the early 20th century to its contemporary
manifestations. Pizzolo describes the liaison between Eurasianism
and geopolitics, describing the nature of geopolitics and the main
theories that highlight the relevance of the Eurasian landmass,
including Mackinder's "Heartland theory", Spykman's "Rimland
theory", and Haushofer's "Kontinentalblock" project. The book also
focuses on the central elements of the neo-Eurasianist ideology,
including the key features of the so-called "Fourth Political
Theory", arguing that Eurasianism could represent a theoretical
contribution for the advent of the multipolar world.
This book tells the story of insurgency in Ukraine’s Donbas
region from the perspective of the rebels, who sought and continue
to seek either independence from Ukraine or unification with
Russia. As such, it provides a unique insight into their thinking
and motivations, which need to be understood if the conflict is to
be resolved. Those making and remaking the conflict are placed in
the centre of the story which uses the words of the combatants
themselves. It shows how volunteer fighters, driven by a wide and
diffuse set of motivations, emerged from Ukraine, Russia, and
different parts of the world, stood at the rebellion's heart. The
book focuses on the participants’ own voices and personalities,
drawing extensively on first-hand research and interviews. Rather
than rendering Ukraine a chess piece on the geopolitical board, the
rebellion shows that ordinary people, rather than elites, can act
as a decisive force. Donbas says something about why large numbers
of people make the decision to take part in a collective violent
action, when material rewards are low or non-existent, and mortal
risks high. It stands as an important text on the study of modern
insurgencies, revealing how violent conflicts happen via issues of
politicized identity and involvement of non-state actors. This book
places this conflict into the context of other conflicts worldwide
and demonstrates how ideas and narratives are constructed to
provide meaning to a struggle. The insurgency has produced a
conflict sub-culture, rich with symbolism, narrative, and
communications, made possible by the digital age and a social
media-savvy population. These beliefs and ideas have had the power
to pull people from different parts of the world. This book follows
the stages of assembling different conflict ingredients together,
and the rebellion’s zigzagging fortunes after it became apparent
that Moscow was not going to repeat the Crimea scenario in Donbas.
It analyses the logic of armed struggle and the tactics deployed by
warring parties. The book also sheds light on the developments in
Moscow, discusses the phenomenon of the Russian Spring movement and
concludes with the prospects for a peaceful solution.
The end of the Cold War heralded in a new era for liberalism.
Eastern European states adopted democracy and capitalism to gain
acceptance by the West. Yet, a mere two decades later, liberalism
was in crisis. The rise of illiberal democracies and nationalist
movements in the second decade of the twenty-first century have
left scholars baffled. How could this happen? Dr's. Davis and
Slobodchikoff show that the decline of the liberal order lies
within its own ideology: as it champions freedom, liberalism
requires its adherents to give up their cultural traditions and
adopt the global ethos to be legitimate. Through a systematic
analysis of Western and Russian soft power in Poland and Serbia,
the authors explain the decline of liberalism and the battle over
the balance of power in Eastern Europe.
The post-Cold War order established by the United States is at a
crossroads: no longer is the liberal order and U.S. hegemonic power
a given. The Challenge to NATO is a concise review of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), its relationship with the
United States, and its implications for global security. Despite
seeing its seventieth anniversary in 2019, NATO faces both external
and internal threats to its continued survival. This volume
examines the organization's past, its current regional operations,
and future threats facing the Atlantic Alliance with contributions
by well-known academics, former central figures within NATO, and
diplomats directly involved in NATO operations. In this volume,
Michael O. Slobodchikoff, G. Doug Davis, and Brandon Stewart bring
together differing perspectives and orientations to provide a
complete understanding of the future of the Atlantic Alliance.
|
|