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The events of 1968 have been seen as a decisive turning point in
the Western world. The author takes a critical look at "May 1968"
and questions whether the events were in fact as "revolutionary" as
French and foreign commentators have indicated. He concludes the
student movement changed little that had not already been
challenged and altered in the late fifties and early sixties. The
workers' strikes led to fewer working hours and higher wages, but
these reforms reflected the secular demands of the French labor
movement. "May 1968" was remarkable not because of the actual
transformations it wrought but rather by virtue of the
revolutionary power that much of the media and most scholars have
attributed to it and which turned it into a symbol of a youthful,
renewed, and freer society in France and beyond.
" the book] offers a meticulouos and appropriately dispassionate
account of the French events of May 1968. Contributing to a more
complete picture of what occurred, the book would be worthwhile
reading in courses on comparative experiences of the 1960s." .
Journal of Modern History "All and all, this is a terrific book
written in a lively narrative. Seidman provides us with a breadth
and depth of knowledge and a balanced analysis that make his
version of May 1968 usable for scholarly study as well as for the
classroom." . H-France Review The events of 1968 have been seen as
a decisive turning point in the Western world of even mythical
significance. The author takes a critical look at "May 1968" and
questions whether the events were in fact as "revolutionary" as
French and foreign commentators have indicated. His conclusions are
rather more ambivalent: culturally, he argues, the student movement
changed little that had not already been challenged and altered in
the late fifties and early sixties. The workers' strikes led to
fewer working hours and higher wages, but these reforms reflected
the secular demands of the French labor movement. "May 1968" was
remarkable not because of the actual transformations it wrought but
rather by virtue of the revolutionary power that much of the media
and most scholars have attributed to it and which turned it into a
symbol of a youthful, renewed, and freer society in France and
beyond. Michael Seidman received his Ph.D. from the University of
Amsterdam. He is the author of Workers against Work: Labor in
Barcelona and Paris during the Popular Fronts, (1991) (Japanese
translation, 1998) and of Republic of Egos: A Social History of the
Spanish Civil War, (2002) (Spanish translation, 2003. He currently
teaches at the University of North Carolina-Wilmington.
The prominent constitutional law scholar's fascinating (and yes,
mind-boggling) argument that we don't need the Constitution after
all For some, to oppose the Constitution is to oppose the American
experiment itself. But leading constitutional scholar Louis Michael
Seidman argues that our founding document has long passed its
"sell-by" date. It might sound crazy, but Seidman's arguments are
both powerful and, well, convincing. As Seidman shows,
constitutional skepticism and disobedience have been present from
the beginning of American history, even worming their way into the
Federalist Papers. And, as Seidman also points out, no one alive
today has agreed to be bound by these rules. In From Parchment to
Dust, Seidman offers a brief history of the phenomenon of
constitutional skepticism and then proceeds to a masterful takedown
of our most cherished, constitutionally enshrined institutions and
beliefs, from the Supreme Court ("an arrogant elite in robes"), to
the very concepts of civil rights, due process, and equal
protection-all of which he argues are just pretenses for preserving
a fundamentally rigged and inequitable status quo. Rather than rely
on the specific wording of a flawed and outdated document, rife
with "Madison's mistakes," Seidman proposes instead a version that
better reflects our shared values, and leaves it to people
currently alive to determine how these values will play out in
contemporary society. From Parchment to Dust is a short, sharp, and
iconoclastic book questioning the value (and ultimately the
hypocrisy) of embracing the Constitution-which, after all, was
written more than 230 years ago-as our moral and political
lodestar.
"You have the right to remain silent." These words, drawn from the
Supreme Court's famous decision in Miranda v. Arizona, have had a
tremendous impact on the public imagination. But what a strange
right this is. Of all the activities that are especially worthy of
protection, that define us as human beings, foster human potential,
and symbolize human ambition, why privilege silence? This
thoughtful and iconoclastic book argues that silence can be an
expression of freedom. A defiant silence demonstrates
determination, courage, and will. Martyrs from a variety of faith
traditions have given up their lives rather than renounce their
god. During the Vietnam era, thousands of anonymous draft resisters
refused to take the military oath that was a prelude to
participating in what they believed was an immoral war. These
silences speak to us. They are a manifestation of connection,
commitment, and meaning. This link between silence and freedom is
apparent in a variety of different contexts, which Seidman examines
individually, including silence and apology, silence and
self-incrimination, silence and interrogation, silence and torture,
and silence and death. In discussing the problem of apology, for
example, the author argues that although apology plays a crucial
role in maintaining the illusion of human connection, the right to
not apologize is equally crucial. Similarly, prohibition against
torture-so prominent in national debate since the events of
Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib-is best understood as a right to silence,
essential in preserving the distinction between mind and body on
which human freedom depends.
Antifascism has received little attention compared to its enemy. No
historian or social scientist has previously attempted to define
its nature and history - yet antifascism became perhaps the most
powerful ideology of the twentieth century. Michael Seidman fills
this gap by providing the first comprehensive study of antifascisms
in Spain, France, the UK, and USA, with new interpretations of the
Spanish Civil War, French Popular Front, and Second World War. He
shows how two types of antifascism - revolutionary and
counterrevolutionary - developed from 1936 to 1945. Revolutionary
antifascism dominated the Spanish Republic during its civil war and
re-emerged in Eastern Europe at the end of World War II. By
contrast, counterrevolutionary antifascists were hegemonic in
France, Britain, and the USA. In Western Europe, they restored
conservative republics or constitutional monarchies based on
Enlightenment principles. This innovative examination of
antifascism will interest a wide range of scholars and students of
twentieth-century history.
After 20 years of research, leading otolaryngologist Dr. Michael
Seidman has developed a breakthrough all natural alternative
treatment program to battle hearing loss safely and effectively.
Using a specifi c combination of antioxidants, diet, exercise, and
basic lifestyle changes, Dr. Seidman's program can help to
prevent--and possibly reverse--hearing loss. The book offers a
simple self-assessment test that identifies the type, severity, and
prognosis of hearing loss, comprehensive advice on diet and
supplements, and natural remedies and important lifestyle changes
that can make a difference. This is the ultimate resource providing
answers--and hope--to the millions of hearing impaired.
This groundbreaking history of the Spanish Civil War (1936-39)
examines how General Francisco Franco and his Nationalist forces
managed state finance and economic production, and mobilized
support from elites and middle-class Spaniards, to achieve their
eventual victory over Spanish Republicans and the revolutionary
left. The Spanish Nationalists are exceptional among
counter-revolutionary movements of the twentieth century, Michael
Seidman demonstrates, because they avoided the inflation and
shortages of food and military supplies that stymied not only their
Republican adversaries but also their counterrevolutionary
counterparts - the Russian Whites and Chinese Nationalists. He
documents how Franco's highly repressive and tightly controlled
regime produced food for troops and civilians; regular pay for
soldiers, farmers, and factory workers; and protection of property
rights for both large and small landowners. These factors, combined
with the Nationalists' pro-Catholic and anti-Jewish propaganda,
reinforced solidarity in the Nationalist zone. Seidman concludes
that, unlike the victorious Spanish Nationalists, the Russian and
Chinese bourgeoisie were weakened by the economic and social
upheaval of the two world wars and succumbed in each case to the
surging revolutionary left.
Ours is an age of growing doubt about constitutional theory and of
outright hostility to any theory that defends judicial review. Why
should a tiny number of unelected judges be able to validate or
invalidate laws on such politically controversial issues as
abortion, religion, gender, and sex-or even determine how the
president is elected? In this provocative book, a leading
constitutional theorist offers an entirely original defense of
judicial review. Louis Michael Seidman argues that judicial review
is defensible if we set aside common but erroneous assumptions-that
constitutional law should be independent from our political
commitments and that the role of constitutional law is to settle
political disagreement. Seidman develops a theory of
"unsettlement." A constitution that unsettles, that destabilizes
outcomes produced by the political process, creates no permanent
losers nursing deep-seated grievances, he says. An "unsettling"
constitution helps to build a community founded on consent by
enticing losers into a continuing conversation. The author applies
this theory to an array of well-known cases heard by the Supreme
Court over the past several decades, including the fall 2000
election decision.
Most histories of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) have examined
major leaders or well-established political and social groups to
explore class, gender and ideological struggles. The war in Spain
was marked by momentous conflicts between democracy and
dictatorship, communism and fascism, anarchism and
authoritarianism, and catholicism and anticlericalism that still
provoke our fascination. In this title, Michael Seidman focuses
instead on the personal and individual experiences of the common
men and women who were actors in a struggle that defined a
generation and helped to shape our world. By examining the roles of
anonymous individuals, families and small groups who fought for
their own interest and survival - and not necessarily for an
abstract or revolutionary cause - the author reveals a powerful but
rarely considered pressure on the outcome of history. He shows how
price controls and inflation in the Republican Zone encouraged
peasant hoarding, black marketing and unrest among urban workers.
Soldiers of the Republican Army responded to material shortages by
looting, deserting and fraternizing with the enemy. Seidman's focus
on average, seemingly nonpolitical individuals provides a new
vision of both the experience and outcome of the war.
Designed as a supplement for constitutional law courses and seminars, Seidman and Tushnet use examples drawn from the popular press, public discussion and law articles to show how and why constitutional debate has evolved into the political conundrum it's become.
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