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Starting from the key concept of geo-economics, this book
investigates the new power politics and argues that the changing
structural features of the contemporary international system are
recasting the strategic imperatives of foreign policy practice.
States increasingly practice power politics by economic means.
Whether it is about Iran's nuclear programme or Russia's annexation
of Crimea, Western states prefer economic sanctions to military
force. Most rising powers have also become cunning agents of
economic statecraft. China, for instance, is using finance,
investment and trade as means to gain strategic influence and embed
its global rise. Yet the way states use economic power to pursue
strategic aims remains an understudied topic in International
Political Economy and International Relations. The contributions to
this volume assess geo-economics as a form of power politics. They
show how power and security are no longer simply coupled to the
physical control of territory by military means, but also to
commanding and manipulating the economic binds that are decisive in
today's globalised and highly interconnected world. Indeed, as the
volume shows, the ability to wield economic power forms an
essential means in the foreign policies of major powers. In so
doing, the book challenges simplistic accounts of a return to
traditional, military-driven geopolitics, while not succumbing to
any unfounded idealism based on the supposedly stabilising effects
of interdependence on international relations. As such, it advances
our understanding of geo-economics as a strategic practice and as
an innovative and timely analytical approach. This book will be of
much interest to students of security studies, international
political economy, foreign policy and International Relations in
general.
This book reviews the political significance of COVID-19 in the
context of earlier pandemic encounters and scares to understand the
ways in which it challenges the existing individual health,
domestic order, international health governance actors, and, more
fundamentally, the circulation-based modus operandi of the present
world order. It argues that contagious diseases should be regarded
as complex open-ended phenomena with various features and are not
reducible merely to biology and epidemiology. They are, as such,
fundamentally politosomatic, namely that they disrupt, agitate, and
trigger large-scale processes because individual somatic-level
anxieties stem from individuals' sensing immediate danger through
the networks of their local and global connectedness. The author
further argues that pandemics have somatic effects in political
expressions that transform the epidemic into national security
dramas which should not, for the sake of efficient health
governance, be treated as aspects extraneous to the disease itself.
The book highlights that when a serious infectious disease spreads,
a 'threat' is very often externalized into a culturally meaningful
'foreign' entity. Pandemics tend to be territorialized,
nationalized, ethnicized, and racialized. This book will be of key
interest to scholars and students of global health and governance,
pandemic security, epidemics, history of medicine, geopolitics,
international relations, and general readers interested in the
COVID-19 pandemic.
Reactions to pandemics are unlike any other global emergency; with
an emphasis on withdrawal and containment of the sight of the
infected. Dealing with the historical and conceptual background of
diseases in politics and international relations, this volume
investigates the global political reaction to pandemic scares. By
evaluating anxiety and the political response to pandemics as a
legitimisation of the modern state and its ability to protect its
citizens from infectious disease, Understanding the Politics of
Pandemic Scares examines the connection between international
health governance and the emerging Western liberal world order. The
case studies, including SARS, Bird Flu and Swine Flu, provide an
understanding of how the world order, global health governance and
people's bodies interact to produce scares and panics. Aaltola
introduces an innovative new concept of politosomatics' based on
the relationship that links individual stress, strain, and fear
with global circulations of power to evaluate increasingly global
bio-political environments in which pandemics exist. This book will
be of interest to students and researchers of International
Relations, Global Health, International Public Health and Global
Health governance.
Starting from the key concept of geo-economics, this book
investigates the new power politics and argues that the changing
structural features of the contemporary international system are
recasting the strategic imperatives of foreign policy practice.
States increasingly practice power politics by economic means.
Whether it is about Iran's nuclear programme or Russia's annexation
of Crimea, Western states prefer economic sanctions to military
force. Most rising powers have also become cunning agents of
economic statecraft. China, for instance, is using finance,
investment and trade as means to gain strategic influence and embed
its global rise. Yet the way states use economic power to pursue
strategic aims remains an understudied topic in International
Political Economy and International Relations. The contributions to
this volume assess geo-economics as a form of power politics. They
show how power and security are no longer simply coupled to the
physical control of territory by military means, but also to
commanding and manipulating the economic binds that are decisive in
today's globalised and highly interconnected world. Indeed, as the
volume shows, the ability to wield economic power forms an
essential means in the foreign policies of major powers. In so
doing, the book challenges simplistic accounts of a return to
traditional, military-driven geopolitics, while not succumbing to
any unfounded idealism based on the supposedly stabilising effects
of interdependence on international relations. As such, it advances
our understanding of geo-economics as a strategic practice and as
an innovative and timely analytical approach. This book will be of
much interest to students of security studies, international
political economy, foreign policy and International Relations in
general.
Issues in E.U. and U.S. Foreign Policy, edited by Munevver Cebeci,
aims at analyzing the perceptions, interests, and policies of the
EU and the US on various international issues. It portrays their
convergences and divergences, and reflects on their interplay. The
book has a geographical focus rather than a thematic one; however,
some themes such as weapons of mass destruction, dual use
technology transfer, energy security, and democratization, are
unavoidable within their respective geographical contexts. For
example, the authors inquire into the case of Iran with a special
focus on nuclear proliferation; they investigate Russia with a
significant emphasis on energy security; Iraq is examined with a
discussion on the withdrawal of occupation troops; and, finally,
the authors address the case of China with a debate on dual use
technology transfer. Issues in European Union and U.S. Foreign
Policy is composed of two parts: The first involves an inventive
theoretical framework for understanding EU and US foreign policy.
The analysis extends beyond traditional approaches that seek to
explain US and EU foreign policy through various dichotomies such
as soft power versus hard power without overlooking the
significance of such dichotomies. This section further discusses
how European and American scholars approach transatlantic relations
in different ways. The second section covers an intensive
comparative analysis of EU and US foreign policy on specific issue
areas. Some chapters also deal with the impact of their policy
divergences and convergences on transatlantic relations and NATO.
Nevertheless, the book aims to go beyond the parochial debates of
burden-sharing or division of labor in transatlantic relations. It
focuses on and actually proposes a broader framework of cooperation
and coordination for the EU and the US.
Global commons are domains that fall outside the direct
jurisdiction of sovereign states - the high seas, air, space, and
most recently man-made cyberspace - and thus should be usable by
anyone. These domains, even if outside the direct responsibility
and governance of sovereign entities, are of crucial interest for
the contemporary world order. This book elaborates a practice-based
approach to the global commons and flows to examine critically the
evolving geopolitical strategy and vision of United States. The
study starts with the observation that the nature of US power is
evolving increasingly towards the recognition that command over the
flows of global interdependence is a central dimension of national
power. The study then highlights the emerging security and
governance of these flows. In this context, the flows and the
underlying global critical infrastructure are emerging as objects
of high-level strategic importance. The book pays special attention
to one of the least recognized but perhaps most fundamental
challenges related to the global commons, namely the conceptual and
practical challenge of inter-domain relationships-between maritime,
air, space, and cyber-flows that bring about not only opportunities
but also new vulnerabilities. These complexities cannot be
understood through technological means alone but rather the issues
need to be clarified by bringing in the human domain of security.
Global commons are domains that fall outside the direct
jurisdiction of sovereign states - the high seas, air, space, and
most recently man-made cyberspace - and thus should be usable by
anyone. These domains, even if outside the direct responsibility
and governance of sovereign entities, are of crucial interest for
the contemporary world order. This book elaborates a practice-based
approach to the global commons and flows to examine critically the
evolving geopolitical strategy and vision of United States. The
study starts with the observation that the nature of US power is
evolving increasingly towards the recognition that command over the
flows of global interdependence is a central dimension of national
power. The study then highlights the emerging security and
governance of these flows. In this context, the flows and the
underlying global critical infrastructure are emerging as objects
of high-level strategic importance. The book pays special attention
to one of the least recognized but perhaps most fundamental
challenges related to the global commons, namely the conceptual and
practical challenge of inter-domain relationships-between maritime,
air, space, and cyber-flows that bring about not only opportunities
but also new vulnerabilities. These complexities cannot be
understood through technological means alone but rather the issues
need to be clarified by bringing in the human domain of security.
This book reviews the political significance of COVID-19 in the
context of earlier pandemic encounters and scares to understand the
ways in which it challenges the existing individual health,
domestic order, international health governance actors, and, more
fundamentally, the circulation-based modus operandi of the present
world order. It argues that contagious diseases should be regarded
as complex open-ended phenomena with various features and are not
reducible merely to biology and epidemiology. They are, as such,
fundamentally politosomatic, namely that they disrupt, agitate, and
trigger large-scale processes because individual somatic-level
anxieties stem from individuals' sensing immediate danger through
the networks of their local and global connectedness. The author
further argues that pandemics have somatic effects in political
expressions that transform the epidemic into national security
dramas which should not, for the sake of efficient health
governance, be treated as aspects extraneous to the disease itself.
The book highlights that when a serious infectious disease spreads,
a 'threat' is very often externalized into a culturally meaningful
'foreign' entity. Pandemics tend to be territorialized,
nationalized, ethnicized, and racialized. This book will be of key
interest to scholars and students of global health and governance,
pandemic security, epidemics, history of medicine, geopolitics,
international relations, and general readers interested in the
COVID-19 pandemic.
This book investigates complex regressive dynamics in contemporary
Western democracies. They include not only severe polarization in
domestic politics, but also efforts by external autocratic powers
to co-opt the increasingly digitalized political processes in the
West. The discussion on democratic vulnerability and regression has
rarely been historically and theoretically reflective. The aim is
to fill this relative void by drawing on classical sources to
inform about the political anxieties and agitations of our present
time as the Western world moves towards new critical elections. The
key concept of the analysis, a Thucydidean brink, refers to a
critical point where the attraction felt towards an outside
geopolitical competitor becomes stronger than the political
affinity felt towards one's domestic political opponent. As
political polarization, societal decomposition and the collusive
tendencies grow in strength, political factions and political
candidates in western societies can be(come) drawn to autocratic
actors. Perhaps most alarmingly, the resulting nexus between
democracies and autocracies can further intensify mutual regression
and form downwards-sloping spirals that are not ultimately under
any strategic control. This book draws from the experiences of
recent elections in major Western democracies to illustrate the
widening and deepening underlying regressive tendency.
This book investigates complex regressive dynamics in contemporary
Western democracies. They include not only severe polarization in
domestic politics, but also efforts by external autocratic powers
to co-opt the increasingly digitalized political processes in the
West. The discussion on democratic vulnerability and regression has
rarely been historically and theoretically reflective. The aim is
to fill this relative void by drawing on classical sources to
inform about the political anxieties and agitations of our present
time as the Western world moves towards new critical elections. The
key concept of the analysis, a Thucydidean brink, refers to a
critical point where the attraction felt towards an outside
geopolitical competitor becomes stronger than the political
affinity felt towards one's domestic political opponent. As
political polarization, societal decomposition and the collusive
tendencies grow in strength, political factions and political
candidates in western societies can be(come) drawn to autocratic
actors. Perhaps most alarmingly, the resulting nexus between
democracies and autocracies can further intensify mutual regression
and form downwards-sloping spirals that are not ultimately under
any strategic control. This book draws from the experiences of
recent elections in major Western democracies to illustrate the
widening and deepening underlying regressive tendency.
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