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This book examines China's relations with member states of the Gulf
Cooperation Council. It highlights the depth of China's ties with
the region bilaterally and multilaterally on a five-dimensional
approach: political relations, trade relations, energy security,
security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding each of
these criteria, the GCC countries enjoy a strategic significance to
China's national security, vital interests, territorial integrity,
sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity. China has
been an integral part of the political developments on the Arabian
Gulf scene since the 1950s. Their bilateral ties have grown
steadily since the Economic Reform Era, culminating in strategic
partnership two decades later. China and its Arab Gulf partners
have embarked on an ambitious economic cooperation that includes
joint ventures in oil upstreaming and downstreaming, mammoth
highway and railroad projects, construction projects, and above
all, strategic security coordination in reference to security
threats. Both sides are also engaged in a process of revival of the
Silk Road within the Belt and the Road framework. Sino-Gulf
bilateral trade relations reached $159,419.20 billion in 2014. The
two sides aim to increase it to $600 billion by 2020, a goal within
reach given the fact that they are concluding the China-GCC Free
Trade Agreement, which will transform their bilateral ties.
This manuscript examines Sino-North Africa relations on a bilateral
level since World War II. It highlights the depth of China's
involvement in the region with each country on a five dimensional
approach: energy security, trade relations, political relations,
arms sales/security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding
each of these criteria, North Africa holds a strategic significance
to China's national security, vital interests, territorial
integrity, sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity.
China has been an integral part of the political developments on
North Africa political scene since the early 1950s. It has
supported the region's quest for independence and national
liberation, exchanged diplomatic recognition, and established
political partnerships. Apparently, the peoples of the North Africa
and Africa at large are enthusiastic about China's increasingly
involved role. However, China's heavy involvement in the
continent's oil sector, minerals, fisheries, corporate-practices,
and its unconditional support to autocracies is mobilizing some
resentment over China's intentions in the region. Some intellectual
trends are currently equating China with imperialism and
neo-imperialism. Therefore, to ensure equitable relations with
Africa, China and its corporations should refrain from colonial
practices, exploitation, and environmental degradation. China also
needs to contribute to the region's process of development,
industrialization, development, and stability. Otherwise, its
presence might not endure in comparison to British, French,
Spanish, or Portuguese presence in the continent.
This book examines China's relations with member states of the Gulf
Cooperation Council. It highlights the depth of China's ties with
the region bilaterally and multilaterally on a five-dimensional
approach: political relations, trade relations, energy security,
security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding each of
these criteria, the GCC countries enjoy a strategic significance to
China's national security, vital interests, territorial integrity,
sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity. China has
been an integral part of the political developments on the Arabian
Gulf scene since the 1950s. Their bilateral ties have grown
steadily since the Economic Reform Era, culminating in strategic
partnership two decades later. China and its Arab Gulf partners
have embarked on an ambitious economic cooperation that includes
joint ventures in oil upstreaming and downstreaming, mammoth
highway and railroad projects, construction projects, and above
all, strategic security coordination in reference to security
threats. Both sides are also engaged in a process of revival of the
Silk Road within the Belt and the Road framework. Sino-Gulf
bilateral trade relations reached $159,419.20 billion in 2014. The
two sides aim to increase it to $600 billion by 2020, a goal within
reach given the fact that they are concluding the China-GCC Free
Trade Agreement, which will transform their bilateral ties.
This manuscript examines Sino-Middle Eastern relations on a
bilateral level. It highlights the depth of China's involvement in
Central Asia with each country on a five dimensional approach:
security cooperation, energy security, trade relations, political
relations, and cultural relations. Regarding each of these
criteria, Central Asia enjoys a strategic significance to China's
national security, vital interests, territorial integrity,
sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity. China has
been an integral part of the political developments on the Central
Asian political scene for over the past two millennia. Their
bilateral ties grew steadily since the independence of Central
Asian republics in 1992, culminating into strategic partnership two
decades later. China and its partners in the region have embarked
on the construction of the most ambitious gas pipelines network,
joint ventures in oil upstreaming and downstreaming, mammoth
highway and railroad projects, trade zones, construction projects,
and above all, strategic security coordination in reference to
unified and an integrated response to regional security threats.
Both sides are also engaged in a process of revival of the Silk
Road in terms of its cultural diversity and trade relations.
Sino-Central Asian volume of trade reached $50 billion heading
steadily toward $100 in the coming five years.
This manuscript examines Sino-North Africa relations on a bilateral
level since World War II. It highlights the depth of China's
involvement in the region with each country on a five dimensional
approach: energy security, trade relations, political relations,
arms sales/security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding
each of these criteria, North Africa holds a strategic significance
to China's national security, vital interests, territorial
integrity, sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity.
China has been an integral part of the political developments on
North Africa political scene since the early 1950s. It has
supported the region's quest for independence and national
liberation, exchanged diplomatic recognition, and established
political partnerships. Apparently, the peoples of the North Africa
and Africa at large are enthusiastic about China's increasingly
involved role. However, China's heavy involvement in the
continent's oil sector, minerals, fisheries, corporate-practices,
and its unconditional support to autocracies is mobilizing some
resentment over China's intentions in the region. Some intellectual
trends are currently equating China with imperialism and
neo-imperialism. Therefore, to ensure equitable relations with
Africa, China and its corporations should refrain from colonial
practices, exploitation, and environmental degradation. China also
needs to contribute to the region's process of development,
industrialization, development, and stability. Otherwise, its
presence might not endure in comparison to British, French,
Spanish, or Portuguese presence in the continent.
This book examines Sino-Middle Eastern relations on a bilateral
level since World War II. It highlights the depth of China's
involvement in the region with each country on a five dimensional
approach: energy security, trade relations, political relations,
arms sales/security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding
each of these criteria, the Middle East holds a strategic
significance to China's national security, vital interests,
territorial integrity, sovereignty, regime survival, and economic
prosperity. China has been an integral part of the political
developments on the Middle Eastern political scene. It has
supported the region's quest for independence and national
liberation, exchanged diplomatic recognition with the region and
established political partnerships with the Middle East. Trade
relations are an essential element of China's involvement in the
Middle East. Their bilateral trade volume exceeds $220 billion
annually, and is steadily heading toward $500 billion by the end of
2015. The Middle East supplies fifty-four percent of China's energy
needs, and is expected to provide seventy percent of China's
imports by 2020. Energy security has become the core of Sino-Middle
Eastern relations and the main goal of its increasing involvement
in the region. China has also become a main source of arms sales to
the region. The Middle East influenced Chinese culture and language
immensely, simultaneously, influenced by Chinese culture,
traditions and customs. Apparently, the peoples of the Middle East
are enthusiastic about China's role in the region. However, the
American so called "pivoting out" and China's imminent "pivoting
in" brings tremendous levels of anxiety in the region. A similar
situation occurred a century ago, when the people of the region,
the social and political movements in the Middle East, and the
governments of the region, solicited and welcomed the American
involvement in the region, something they deeply resent and regret.
China seems to be going through the same path, and the people of
the region have begun to scrutinize its presence. If Beijing
continues its inconsistent policy in the region, its injudicious
support to autocracies, it will defiantly mobilize popular
resentment against its involvement in the Middle East. Therefore,
its presence might not endure in comparison to the American,
British, or French presence in the Middle East.
This manuscript examines Sino-Middle Eastern relations on a
bilateral level. It highlights the depth of China's involvement in
Central Asia with each country on a five dimensional approach:
security cooperation, energy security, trade relations, political
relations, and cultural relations. Regarding each of these
criteria, Central Asia enjoys a strategic significance to China's
national security, vital interests, territorial integrity,
sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity. China has
been an integral part of the political developments on the Central
Asian political scene for over the past two millennia. Their
bilateral ties grew steadily since the independence of Central
Asian republics in 1992, culminating into strategic partnership two
decades later. China and its partners in the region have embarked
on the construction of the most ambitious gas pipelines network,
joint ventures in oil upstreaming and downstreaming, mammoth
highway and railroad projects, trade zones, construction projects,
and above all, strategic security coordination in reference to
unified and an integrated response to regional security threats.
Both sides are also engaged in a process of revival of the Silk
Road in terms of its cultural diversity and trade relations.
Sino-Central Asian volume of trade reached $50 billion heading
steadily toward $100 in the coming five years.
This book examines Sino-Middle Eastern relations on a bilateral
level since World War II. It highlights the depth of China's
involvement in the region with each country on a five dimensional
approach: energy security, trade relations, political relations,
arms sales/security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding
each of these criteria, the Middle East holds a strategic
significance to China's national security, vital interests,
territorial integrity, sovereignty, regime survival, and economic
prosperity. China has been an integral part of the political
developments on the Middle Eastern political scene. It has
supported the region's quest for independence and national
liberation, exchanged diplomatic recognition with the region and
established political partnerships with the Middle East. Trade
relations are an essential element of China's involvement in the
Middle East. Their bilateral trade volume exceeds $220 billion
annually, and is steadily heading toward $500 billion by the end of
2015. The Middle East supplies fifty-four percent of China's energy
needs, and is expected to provide seventy percent of China's
imports by 2020. Energy security has become the core of Sino-Middle
Eastern relations and the main goal of its increasing involvement
in the region. China has also become a main source of arms sales to
the region. The Middle East influenced Chinese culture and language
immensely, simultaneously, influenced by Chinese culture,
traditions and customs. Apparently, the peoples of the Middle East
are enthusiastic about China's role in the region. However, the
American so called "pivoting out" and China's imminent "pivoting
in" brings tremendous levels of anxiety in the region. A similar
situation occurred a century ago, when the people of the region,
the social and political movements in the Middle East, and the
governments of the region, solicited and welcomed the American
involvement in the region, something they deeply resent and regret.
China seems to be going through the same path, and the people of
the region have begun to scrutinize its presence. If Beijing
continues its inconsistent policy in the region, its injudicious
support to autocracies, it will defiantly mobilize popular
resentment against its involvement in the Middle East. Therefore,
its presence might not endure in comparison to the American,
British, or French presence in the Middle East.
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