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In 2011, the Maghreb occupied a prominent place in world headlines
when Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, became the birthplace of the so-called
Arab Spring. Events in Tunisia sparked huge and sometimes violent
uprisings. Longstanding dictatorships fell in their wake. The
ensuing democratic reforms resulted in elections and the victory of
several Islamist political parties in the Arab world. This book
explores the origins, development and rise of these Islamist
parties by focusing on the people behind them. In doing so, it
provides readers with a concise history of Sunni Islam in North
Africa, the violent struggles against European colonial occupation,
and the subsequent quest for an affirmation of Muslim identities in
its wake. Exploring Islamism as an identity movement rooted in the
colonial experience, this book argues that votes for Islamist
parties after the Arab Spring reflected a universal human need for
an authentic sense of self. This view contrasts with the popular
belief that support for Islamists in North Africa reflects a
dangerous "fundamentalist" view of the world that seeks to simply
impose archaic religious laws on modern societies. Rather, the
electoral success of Islamists in the Maghreb, like Tunisia's
Ennahdha party, is rooted in a reaffirmation of the Arab-Islamic
identities of the Maghreb states, long delayed by dictatorships
that mimicked Western models and ideologies (e.g., Socialism).
Ultimately, however, it is argued that this affirmation is a
temporary phenomenon that will give way in time to the fundamental
need for good governance, accountability, and a stable growing
economy in these countries. Written in an accessible format, and
providing fresh analytical perspectives on Islamism in the Maghreb,
this book will be a valuable tool for students and scholars of
Political Islam and North African Politics.
On January 28 2011 WikiLeaks released documents from a cache of US
State Department cables stolen the previous year. The Daily
Telegraph in London published one of the memos with an article
headlined 'Egypt protests: America's secret backing for rebel
leaders behind uprising'. The effect of the revelation was
immediate, helping set in motion an aggressive counter-narrative to
the nascent story of the Arab Spring. The article featured a
cluster of virulent commentators all pushing the same story: the
CIA, George Soros and Hillary Clinton were attempting to take over
Egypt. Many of these commentators were trolls, some of whom
reappeared in 2016 to help elect Donald J. Trump as President of
the United States. This book tells the story of how a
proxy-communications war ignited and hijacked the Arab uprisings
and how individuals on the ground, on air and online worked to
shape history.
In 2011, the Maghreb occupied a prominent place in world headlines
when Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, became the birthplace of the so-called
Arab Spring. Events in Tunisia sparked huge and sometimes violent
uprisings. Longstanding dictatorships fell in their wake. The
ensuing democratic reforms resulted in elections and the victory of
several Islamist political parties in the Arab world. This book
explores the origins, development and rise of these Islamist
parties by focusing on the people behind them. In doing so, it
provides readers with a concise history of Sunni Islam in North
Africa, the violent struggles against European colonial occupation,
and the subsequent quest for an affirmation of Muslim identities in
its wake. Exploring Islamism as an identity movement rooted in the
colonial experience, this book argues that votes for Islamist
parties after the Arab Spring reflected a universal human need for
an authentic sense of self. This view contrasts with the popular
belief that support for Islamists in North Africa reflects a
dangerous "fundamentalist" view of the world that seeks to simply
impose archaic religious laws on modern societies. Rather, the
electoral success of Islamists in the Maghreb, like Tunisia's
Ennahdha party, is rooted in a reaffirmation of the Arab-Islamic
identities of the Maghreb states, long delayed by dictatorships
that mimicked Western models and ideologies (e.g., Socialism).
Ultimately, however, it is argued that this affirmation is a
temporary phenomenon that will give way in time to the fundamental
need for good governance, accountability, and a stable growing
economy in these countries. Written in an accessible format, and
providing fresh analytical perspectives on Islamism in the Maghreb,
this book will be a valuable tool for students and scholars of
Political Islam and North African Politics.
On January 28 2011 WikiLeaks released documents from a cache of US
State Department cables stolen the previous year. The Daily
Telegraph in London published one of the memos with an article
headlined 'Egypt protests: America's secret backing for rebel
leaders behind uprising'. The effect of the revelation was
immediate, helping set in motion an aggressive counter-narrative to
the nascent story of the Arab Spring. The article featured a
cluster of virulent commentators all pushing the same story: the
CIA, George Soros and Hillary Clinton were attempting to take over
Egypt. Many of these commentators were trolls, some of whom
reappeared in 2016 to help elect Donald J. Trump as President of
the United States. This book tells the story of how a
proxy-communications war ignited and hijacked the Arab uprisings
and how individuals on the ground, on air and online worked to
shape history.
In the wake of the 1952 Revolution, Egypt s future Nobel laureate
in literature devoted himself exclusively to writing for film. The
Aesthetic of Revolution in the Film and Literature of Naguib
Mahfouz is the first full-length study in English to examine this
critical period in the author s career and to contextualize it
within the scope of post-revolutionary Egyptian politics and
culture. Before returning to literature in 1959 with his
post-revolutionary masterpiece Children of the Alley, Mahfouz wrote
or co-wrote some twenty odd scripts, many of them among the most
successful in Egyptian history. He did so at a time when film was
the country s second largest export commodity after cotton and the
domestic film industry in Egypt the fourth largest in the world.
Artistically, his screenplays channeled the ideology of the
revolution, often raising themes of oppression and liberation, and
almost always within a storyline of criminal transgression. But as
he discussed in later articles and interviews, the capacity for
film to enumerate the flow of life through montage, jump cuts,
lighting, and close ups helped him to develop a darker, faster, and
more complex vision of society. This technological revolution was
followed by a literary one in the 1960s, a time when Mahfouz would
generate through a series of short, trenchant, and often comedic
novellas, a deeply measured meditation on the experience of
collective upheaval and the interpersonal impact of political
transformation."
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