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This book aims to examine the multiple effects of the COVID-19
pandemic on China-Southeast Asia relations from both Chinese and
Southeast Asian perspectives. It invites many officials and
scholars from the leading think-tanks and famous universities in
China and Southeast Asian states to contribute and tries to reveal
how has China-Southeast Asia relations been reshaping during/after
the COVID-19 pandemic and discuss what kind of measures could be
taken to push forward China-Southeast Asia relations and thus
ensuring the peace and prosperity in the region. The main content
of this book is divided into 10 parts, in which the first chapter
briefly introduces the COVID-19 situation in China and Southeast
Asia, China's anti-COVID efforts, and the impacts of the COVID-19
on China-Southeast Asia relations from Chinese and Southeast Asian
perspectives. Chapter 2 examines the dual influence of the pandemic
on the construction of China-ASEAN community of a shared future and
gave some useful policy recommendations on improving
China-Southeast Asia relations. The following 8 chapters go deep
into the Southeast Asian states' response to COVID-19 and the
economic, political and social effects of the COVID-19 on Southeast
Asia-China relations, and look forward the future development of
such relations. In addition, it also analyzes Southeast states'
reactions to the intense Sino-US power rivalry during/after the
COVID-19 pandemic. This book is probably the first comprehensive
study that investigates the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on
China-Southeast Asia relations from both Chinese and Southeast
Asian perspectives. It would not only open up a new area of study
on China and Southeast Asia relations, but provide insightful
observations and useful information for governments, companies and
social organizations to facilitate cooperation in trade and
investment, public health, and people-to-people exchanges.
Therefore, the intended readership not only includes the academics
but also officials, businessmen, journalists and social activists.
The most important feature of this book is that it points out
China-Southeast Asia relations would be reshaped by COVID-19 in the
long run and analyzes how it would be reshaped. It also shows a
well-balanced view on the COVID-19 and China-Southeast Asia
relations as both university scholars, think-tank experts and
government officials are involved in this book.
This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of
Myanmar's China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical
realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at
analyzing state's foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit
variables which refers to external environments and domestic
restraints respectively. It is the first book that seeks to give a
theoretical explanation of Myanmar's diplomacy, thereby bridging
the gap from basic research to the deep one with theories. It also
introduced the concept of strategic preference and argued that the
competing strategic preference that the Burmese leaders have,
namely "integration" and "isolation", determines Myanmar's
responses to China in the Post-Cold War era, which not only
demonstrates the neo-classical realism as an useful instrument of
looking into state's foreign policy and deepens the understanding
on Myanmar-China relations.The main content of this book is divided
into seven parts, in which the first chapter introduces the
background, the present study on Myanmar's China policy and China's
Myanmar policy, the analytical framework, and the arrangement of
the content. Chapter 2 focuses on the roots and changes of
Myanmar's competing strategic preference as well as its influences
on Myanmar's foreign policy. The following four chapters examine
the international pressures and benefits imposed by systemic
imperatives, and Burmese leaders' specific strategic preference
since 1988, and investigate Myanmar's policy towards China in
different periods. Finally, it provides a comprehensive conclusion
that outlines and reviews the origins and evolution of Myanmar's
China policy, and predicts its future directions.This book is
suitable for the graduates and experts who are interested in
international relations, the Asian studies and neo-classical
realism in particular, and Myanmar politics and foreign relations,
as well as China's relation with neighboring countries.
This book analyzes two main trends of prevailing populism and
nationalism in China and Southeast Asian nations and rising
tensions in the South China Sea (SCS) by experts from China and
Southeast Asia. The book involves the most recent developments and
indicates future trends. This is the first book which goes deeply
into the SCS dispute from the perspectives on populism and
nationalism and thus highlighting their significance in Asian
politics. The broad approach adopted in the book with focus on all
important countries expands the scope of readership beyond specific
academic community. The book interests academics, policy makers,
journalists, general reader, and students of Asian politics. The
main body of this book is divided into 8 parts, in which the first
section briefly introduces the aims and scope of this book. The
following 7 parts look at the new development of populism and
nationalism in China and ASEAN claimant states and some important
non-claimant states mainly including the Philippines, Vietnam,
Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Cambodia, and its multiple effects
on the SCS dispute.
This book aims to analyze two contrasting trends of integration and
rivalry among great powers and regional states of Himalaya. It
examines the interactions between the great powers and the small
states in the Himalayan region, analyzes the multiple effects of
the great power rivalry on the regional cooperation, and predicts
the possible directions of the future of the geo-politics and
geo-economy in the Himalayan region by incorporating the most
recent developments. The main content of the book is divided into
11 parts. The Introduction briefly explains the aims and scope of
this book. The following chapter focuses on the Buddhist ties
between China and the Himalayan states in the past two millennia
and its dual influence in the Himalayan region. The rest 9 chapters
provide an in-depth analyses of the security dilemma between China
and India, Indian perspectives on China-South Asian relations,
Chinese perspectives on U.S. and Japan's engagement with South Asia
and Indo-Myanmar relations, and Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and
Nepal's responses to the regional integration and great power
rivalry in the Himalayan region respectively. This is the first
study which brings the Himalaya region at the center of
geopolitical and geo-economics cooperation and rivalry thus
highlighting its significance in Asian politics. It offers a
comprehensive analysis of the complicated geo-political and
geo-economic competition in the Himalayan region by inviting
experts from both South Asia and China to contribute chapters. It
also balances the west-centered views on the great power rivalry by
introducing cultural perspective and small state perspective. The
broad approach adopted in the book with focus on all important
countries expands the scope of readership beyond specific academic
community. The book will interest academics, policy makers,
journalists, general reader and students of Asian politics.
This book aims to examine the multiple effects of the COVID-19
pandemic on China-Southeast Asia relations from both Chinese and
Southeast Asian perspectives. It invites many officials and
scholars from the leading think-tanks and famous universities in
China and Southeast Asian states to contribute and tries to reveal
how has China-Southeast Asia relations been reshaping during/after
the COVID-19 pandemic and discuss what kind of measures could be
taken to push forward China-Southeast Asia relations and thus
ensuring the peace and prosperity in the region. The main content
of this book is divided into 10 parts, in which the first chapter
briefly introduces the COVID-19 situation in China and Southeast
Asia, China's anti-COVID efforts, and the impacts of the COVID-19
on China-Southeast Asia relations from Chinese and Southeast Asian
perspectives. Chapter 2 examines the dual influence of the pandemic
on the construction of China-ASEAN community of a shared future and
gave some useful policy recommendations on improving
China-Southeast Asia relations. The following 8 chapters go deep
into the Southeast Asian states' response to COVID-19 and the
economic, political and social effects of the COVID-19 on Southeast
Asia-China relations, and look forward the future development of
such relations. In addition, it also analyzes Southeast states'
reactions to the intense Sino-US power rivalry during/after the
COVID-19 pandemic. This book is probably the first comprehensive
study that investigates the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on
China-Southeast Asia relations from both Chinese and Southeast
Asian perspectives. It would not only open up a new area of study
on China and Southeast Asia relations, but provide insightful
observations and useful information for governments, companies and
social organizations to facilitate cooperation in trade and
investment, public health, and people-to-people exchanges.
Therefore, the intended readership not only includes the academics
but also officials, businessmen, journalists and social activists.
The most important feature of this book is that it points out
China-Southeast Asia relations would be reshaped by COVID-19 in the
long run and analyzes how it would be reshaped. It also shows a
well-balanced view on the COVID-19 and China-Southeast Asia
relations as both university scholars, think-tank experts and
government officials are involved in this book.
This book mainly explored the driving forces and evolvement of
Myanmar's China policy since 1988 by adopting a neo-classical
realist apporach, an emerging theoretical paradigm aiming at
analyzing state's foreign behaviour by connecting systemic and unit
variables which refers to external environments and domestic
restraints respectively. It is the first book that seeks to give a
theoretical explanation of Myanmar's diplomacy, thereby bridging
the gap from basic research to the deep one with theories. It also
introduced the concept of strategic preference and argued that the
competing strategic preference that the Burmese leaders have,
namely "integration" and "isolation", determines Myanmar's
responses to China in the Post-Cold War era, which not only
demonstrates the neo-classical realism as an useful instrument of
looking into state's foreign policy and deepens the understanding
on Myanmar-China relations.The main content of this book is divided
into seven parts, in which the first chapter introduces the
background, the present study on Myanmar's China policy and China's
Myanmar policy, the analytical framework, and the arrangement of
the content. Chapter 2 focuses on the roots and changes of
Myanmar's competing strategic preference as well as its influences
on Myanmar's foreign policy. The following four chapters examine
the international pressures and benefits imposed by systemic
imperatives, and Burmese leaders' specific strategic preference
since 1988, and investigate Myanmar's policy towards China in
different periods. Finally, it provides a comprehensive conclusion
that outlines and reviews the origins and evolution of Myanmar's
China policy, and predicts its future directions.This book is
suitable for the graduates and experts who are interested in
international relations, the Asian studies and neo-classical
realism in particular, and Myanmar politics and foreign relations,
as well as China's relation with neighboring countries.
This book analyzes two main trends of prevailing populism and
nationalism in China and Southeast Asian nations and rising
tensions in the South China Sea (SCS) by experts from China and
Southeast Asia. The book involves the most recent developments and
indicates future trends. This is the first book which goes deeply
into the SCS dispute from the perspectives on populism and
nationalism and thus highlighting their significance in Asian
politics. The broad approach adopted in the book with focus on all
important countries expands the scope of readership beyond specific
academic community. The book interests academics, policy makers,
journalists, general reader, and students of Asian
politics. The main body of this book is divided into 8 parts,
in which the first section briefly introduces the aims and scope of
this book. The following 7 parts look at the new development of
populism and nationalism in China and ASEAN claimant states and
some important non-claimant states mainly including the
Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Cambodia, and
its multiple effects on the SCS dispute.
This book aims to analyze two contrasting trends of integration and
rivalry among great powers and regional states of Himalaya. It
examines the interactions between the great powers and the small
states in the Himalayan region, analyzes the multiple effects of
the great power rivalry on the regional cooperation, and predicts
the possible directions of the future of the geo-politics and
geo-economy in the Himalayan region by incorporating the most
recent developments. The main content of the book is divided into
11 parts. The Introduction briefly explains the aims and scope of
this book. The following chapter focuses on the Buddhist ties
between China and the Himalayan states in the past two millennia
and its dual influence in the Himalayan region. The rest 9 chapters
provide an in-depth analyses of the security dilemma between China
and India, Indian perspectives on China-South Asian relations,
Chinese perspectives on U.S. and Japan's engagement with South Asia
and Indo-Myanmar relations, and Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and
Nepal's responses to the regional integration and great power
rivalry in the Himalayan region respectively. This is the first
study which brings the Himalaya region at the center of
geopolitical and geo-economics cooperation and rivalry thus
highlighting its significance in Asian politics. It offers a
comprehensive analysis of the complicated geo-political and
geo-economic competition in the Himalayan region by inviting
experts from both South Asia and China to contribute chapters. It
also balances the west-centered views on the great power rivalry by
introducing cultural perspective and small state perspective. The
broad approach adopted in the book with focus on all important
countries expands the scope of readership beyond specific academic
community. The book will interest academics, policy makers,
journalists, general reader and students of Asian politics.
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