Following the stranding of a Soviet Whiskey-class submarine in 1981 on the Swedish archipelago, a series of massive submarine intrusions took place within Swedish waters.
However, the evidence for these appears to have been manipulated or simply invented. Classified documents and interviews point to covert Western, rather than Soviet activity. This is backed up by former US Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, who stated that Western 'testing' operations were carried out regularly in Swedish waters. Royal Navy submarine captains have also admitted to top-secret operations.
Ola Tunander's revelations make it clear that the United States and Britain ran a 'secret war' in Swedish waters. The number of Swedes perceiving the Soviet Union as a direct threat increased from 5-10 per cent in 1980 to 45 per cent in 1983. This Anglo-American 'secret war' was aimed at exerting political influence over Sweden. It was a risky enterprise, but perhaps the most successful covert operation of the entire Cold War.

Following the stranding of a Soviet Whiskey-class submarine in 1981 on the Swedish archipelago, a series of massive submarine intrusions took place within Swedish waters.
However, the evidence for these appears to have been manipulated or simply invented. Classified documents and interviews point to covert Western, rather than Soviet activity. This is backed up by former US Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, who stated that Western 'testing' operations were carried out regularly in Swedish waters. Royal Navy submarine captains have also admitted to top-secret operations.
Ola Tunander's revelations make it clear that the United States and Britain ran a 'secret war' in Swedish waters. The number of Swedes perceiving the Soviet Union as a direct threat increased from 5-10 per cent in 1980 to 45 per cent in 1983. This Anglo-American 'secret war' was aimed at exerting political influence over Sweden. It was a risky enterprise, but perhaps the most successful covert operation of the entire Cold War.

The Barents Region in the Scandinavian and Russian Arctic is emerging as one of the most dynamic and versatile East-West initiatives in Europe. Its unique, two-pillared institutional structure ensures that the state as well as local authorities are drawn into deliberations, as are representatives from the European Commission and the regional Saami organization. The region is immensely rich in minerals, petroleum and fishery resources of interest for Europe as a whole. It is the apex of the Cold War structures: with over 200 naval nuclear reactors and with more strategic nuclear weapons than anywhere else in the world, its importance extends far beyond the confines of Arctic Europe. To Russia, the Barents Region has become a link to Northern Europe and potentially to the European Union, it may become an instrument to stabilise its eastern borders in a militarily sensitive area. The Barents Region surveys regional cooperation in Arctic Europe. With contributions from leading Scandinavian and Russian scholars on Northern affairs, this volume examines the Barents Region as a political initiative, its historical and institutional architecture and its contributions to economic and environmental management in the North. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the Barents Region on security in Arctic Europe and its relationship to the wider process of European integration.

The fall of the Berlin Wall symbolized a dramatic turning point in the history of European politics and security. Geopolitics in Post-Wall Europe highlights the new relations between politics, culture and territory. It analyzes the major geopolitical shifts in the connection between security and identity. Part One covers the general geopolitical tendencies in Europe, including conflicts between `culturism' and universalism, between national-romantic primordialism and cosmopolitan post-national identities, and between territory and escape from territory. Part Two deals with potential tensions between Russia and Europe and the possible emergence of a new European `wall' between an extended NATO on the one hand, and Russia and the CIS on the other. Part Three focuses on the borderland between Europe, Russia and the Muslim world, with particular emphasis on the former Yugoslavia as a site of conflict between new `metaphorical empires'.