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The concept of Greater Tibet has surfaced in the political and
academic worlds in recent years. It is based in the inadequacies of
other definitions of what constitutes the historical and modern
worlds in which Tibetan people, ideas, and culture occupy. This
collection of papers is inspired by a panel on Greater Tibet held
at the XIIIth meeting of the International Association of Tibet
Studies in Ulaan Baatar in 2013. Participants included leading
Tibet scholars, experts in international law, and Tibetan
officials. Greater Tibet is inclusive of all peoples who generally
speak languages from the Tibetan branch of the Tibeto-Burman
family, have a concept of mutual origination, and share some common
historical narratives. It includes a wide area, including peoples
from the Central Asian Republics, Pakistan, India, Nepal Bhutan,
Bangladesh, Myanmar, People's Republic of China, Mongolia, Russia,
and Tibetan people in diaspora abroad. It may even include
practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism who are not of Tibetan origin,
and Tibetan peoples who do not practice Buddhism. Most of this area
corresponds to the broad expansion of Tibetan culture and political
control in the 7th-9th centuries AD, and is thus many times larger
than the current Tibet Autonomous Region in China-the Tibetan
"culture area." As a conceptual framework, Greater Tibet stands in
contrast to Scott's concept of Zomia for roughly the same region, a
term which defines an area of highland Asia and Southeast Asia
characterized by disdain for rule from distant centers, failed
state formation, anarchist, and "libertarian" individual
proclivities.
The concept of Greater Tibet has surfaced in the political and
academic worlds in recent years. It is based in the inadequacies of
other definitions of what constitutes the historical and modern
worlds in which Tibetan people, ideas, and culture occupy. This
collection of papers is inspired by a panel on Greater Tibet held
at the XIIIth meeting of the International Association of Tibet
Studies in Ulaan Baatar in 2013. Participants included leading
Tibet scholars, experts in international law, and Tibetan
officials. Greater Tibet is inclusive of all peoples who generally
speak languages from the Tibetan branch of the Tibeto-Burman
family, have a concept of mutual origination, and share some common
historical narratives. It includes a wide area, including peoples
from the Central Asian Republics, Pakistan, India, Nepal Bhutan,
Bangladesh, Myanmar, People's Republic of China, Mongolia, Russia,
and Tibetan people in diaspora abroad. It may even include
practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism who are not of Tibetan origin,
and Tibetan peoples who do not practice Buddhism. Most of this area
corresponds to the broad expansion of Tibetan culture and political
control in the 7th-9th centuries AD, and is thus many times larger
than the current Tibet Autonomous Region in China-the Tibetan
"culture area." As a conceptual framework, Greater Tibet stands in
contrast to Scott's concept of Zomia for roughly the same region, a
term which defines an area of highland Asia and Southeast Asia
characterized by disdain for rule from distant centers, failed
state formation, anarchist, and "libertarian" individual
proclivities.
The seven microstates of Europe, i.e. Andorra, Liechtenstein,
Monaco, Malta, San Marino, Sovereign Order of St. John, and Vatican
City are remarkable not only for their size, but their persistence.
Most have been around for centuries, while much larger empires have
come and gone. Despite the great events of the last two millennia,
these countries have come into existence and have managed to steer
a course away from incorporation within their larger neighbors. Why
is this? Rather than being an exercise in triviality, the study in
The Microstates of Europe: Designer Nations in a Post-Modern World
of the histories of these tiny states may provide insight into
tenaciousness of national aspirations and ethnic solidarity that
are everywhere evident. Modernist studies tend to view the
microstates as illogical anomalies destined to disappear under the
crush of social progress. However, these states are anything but
marginal-in fact, they are among the richest states in the world.
This book examines the phenomenon from structural history and
anthropological perspectives. It is not a grand history of petite
places-rather, it is an "ethnographic anthology" of a few places in
Europe that should not logically exist. The Microstates of Europe
is a post-modern critique of the trends of globalism, and it
examines the counter-trend of increasing nationalism,
particularism, and cultural relativism. Rather than being eclectic
exceptions, the microstates may demonstrate the survival of
extremely long enduring mechanisms of collective boundary
maintenance that are most likely present in many communities
throughout the world.
The seven microstates of Europe, i.e. Andorra, Liechtenstein,
Monaco, Malta, San Marino, Sovereign Order of St. John, and Vatican
City are remarkable not only for their size, but their persistence.
Most have been around for centuries, while much larger empires have
come and gone. Despite the great events of the last two millennia,
these countries have come into existence and have managed to steer
a course away from incorporation within their larger neighbors. Why
is this? Rather than being an exercise in triviality, the study in
The Microstates of Europe: Designer Nations in a Post-Modern World
of the histories of these tiny states may provide insight into
tenaciousness of national aspirations and ethnic solidarity that
are everywhere evident. Modernist studies tend to view the
microstates as illogical anomalies destined to disappear under the
crush of social progress. However, these states are anything but
marginal-in fact, they are among the richest states in the world.
This book examines the phenomenon from structural history and
anthropological perspectives. It is not a grand history of petite
places-rather, it is an "ethnographic anthology" of a few places in
Europe that should not logically exist. The Microstates of Europe
is a post-modern critique of the trends of globalism, and it
examines the counter-trend of increasing nationalism,
particularism, and cultural relativism. Rather than being eclectic
exceptions, the microstates may demonstrate the survival of
extremely long enduring mechanisms of collective boundary
maintenance that are most likely present in many communities
throughout the world.
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