This volume documents the British Government's response from mid-1946 to early 1948 to the twin challenges of economic recovery and the search for a meaningful Western security framework in the face of the increasing polarisation of Europe into Eastern and Western spheres of influence. Although relations between the wartime Big Three allies, the UK, US and USSR, had begun to fracture even before the end of hostilities in 1945, it was during 1947 that the postwar division of Europe became sufficiently alarming to prompt decisive action, under American and British leadership, to promote European economic reconstruction and thereby increase Western security. American leadership took the form of two initiatives, enabled by US economic and military strength: the Truman Doctrine for aid to Greece and Turkey, announced in March 1947, and the Economic Recovery Programme or Marshall Plan, first proposed in June 1947. British leadership, under the personal direction of Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, was shown in two ways: in articulating Western Europe's need for US help in a way that enabled it to be recognised and then accepted; and in helping to coordinate the European response to the US initiatives to maximise their effectiveness. Documentation on the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan forms the core of the volume, but a wide range of material, including intelligence-related documents, has been chosen to illustrate the multiple challenges faced by the Attlee Government during this period. This book will be of much interest to students of British politics, Cold War History, European History and International Relations.

This volume documents the drafting, negotiation and signature of the treaty that has been the cornerstone of European defence for the past sixty-five years: the North Atlantic Treaty signed in April 1949.

The story begins at the end of 1947, when the British Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin, became convinced of the need to persuade the United States of America, which had emerged from the Second World War as the pre-eminent global military and economic power and one of the only two superpowers, to underwrite the future security of Western Europe. It progresses through the negotiation of the Brussels Treaty of March 1948 an essential prerequisite to securing American participation in a wider defensive system and ends with the signature of the North Atlantic Treaty after a series of setbacks, difficulties and security threats. The documents, drawn from the archives of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the Cabinet Office and No. 10 (with some transferred into the public domain for the first time), demonstrate how diplomatic skills and determination, inspired by Bevin s vision, led to a system of collective security that played an indispensable part in the preservation of peace between East and West for the rest of the twentieth century.

This book will be of much interest to students of the Cold War, European and American history, British political history, international history and IR in general.

"

A fascinating collection of British foreign policy documents covering reactions in Whitehall to political change and revolution in the Mediterranean basin from 1973 to 1976.

This volume contains many previously unpublished documents, including Joint Intelligence Committee papers, which cast new light on key events, such as the international crisis triggered by the coup against Archbishop Makarios in Cyprus, Turkey s military intervention in the island, the overthrow of the Caetano regime in Portugal, and the death of Franco in Spain.

During 1973-76, years generally associated with East/West detente in Europe, NATO s southern flank was plunged into crisis by a revolution in Portugal and a coup d etat in Cyprus. Political turmoil in Portugal, Turkey s military intervention in Cyprus, the collapse of the military government in Greece, and the threat of a Greco-Turkish War, all emphasized the vulnerability of the alliance to regime change in the Mediterranean. The Western allies had also to prepare for the death of two ageing dictators in Spain and Yugoslavia, and the possible entry of Communists into government in France and Italy. This volume draws upon the records of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the Cabinet Office and the Ministry of Defence, to document the reactions of Harold Wilson s Labour government to these developments.

This book will be of great interest to all students of contemporary British history, international history, European history, international relations, politics and diplomacy."

This book is a collection of diplomatic documents describing the development of British relations with the Nordic countries between the end of the Second World War and the defeat of the Labour Government in 1951. The end of the Second World War brought hopes of building a new society in Western Europe. This volume documents Foreign Office concerns about the range of problems, both multilateral and bilateral, which still remained to be resolved in the Nordic area, and describes the evolution of policies to deal with them. The Soviet Union, which in May 1945 already occupied parts of Norway and Denmark and dominated Finland, was perceived as a growing threat. The Nordic region was considered to be of significant strategic importance during this period. The documents describe the process whereby Britain attempted to encourage Scandinavian countries away from their support for neutrality and, by enlisting American support, began the process which led to the signature of the Atlantic Treaty in 1949, signed by Norway, Denmark and Iceland. They also include material describing the establishment of Information Research Department (formed to counteract Soviet propaganda) and illustrating some of its methods. Some documents not previously in the public domain have been declassified for this volume. Most are drawn from the archives of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, but there are also a number of Prime Ministerial and Cabinet Office documents. This book will be of much interest to students of the Cold War, European history, British political history, international history and IR in general.

This volume examines British policy towards the Soviet Union in the aftermath of the invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. The documents in this volume, many released into the public realm for the first time, describe the development of British policy towards the Soviet Union during the eventful years 1979-1982. The new Conservative government, under Margaret Thatcher, was determined to strengthen British defences against the perceived Soviet threat and advocated a strong response to the Soviet intervention. East-West relations further deteriorated following the imposition of martial law in Poland in December 1981. The dilemma facing the British government was how to express strong disapproval of Soviet actions while still attempting to maintain a constructive bilateral relationship, and at the same time keep British policy in line with the Western Alliance. The death of President Brezhnev in November 1982, after 18 years in office, brought uncertainty but also new opportunities for relations with the Soviets. This book will be of much interest to students of British politics and foreign policy, Russian history, US foreign policy, Central Asian politics, and IR in general.

This volume examines British policy towards the Soviet Union in the aftermath of the invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. The documents in this volume, many released into the public realm for the first time, describe the development of British policy towards the Soviet Union during the eventful years 1979-1982. The new Conservative government, under Margaret Thatcher, was determined to strengthen British defences against the perceived Soviet threat and advocated a strong response to the Soviet intervention. East-West relations further deteriorated following the imposition of martial law in Poland in December 1981. The dilemma facing the British government was how to express strong disapproval of Soviet actions while still attempting to maintain a constructive bilateral relationship, and at the same time keep British policy in line with the Western Alliance. The death of President Brezhnev in November 1982, after 18 years in office, brought uncertainty but also new opportunities for relations with the Soviets. This book will be of much interest to students of British politics and foreign policy, Russian history, US foreign policy, Central Asian politics, and IR in general.

This volume is comprised of a collection of diplomatic documents covering British reactions to, and policy towards, the collapse of the German Democratic Republic and the unification of Germany in 1989-90. The peaceful unification of Germany in 1989-90 brought a dramatic end to the Cold War. This volume documents official British reactions to the collapse of East Germany and the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the evolution of British policy during the 'Two plus Four' negotiations that provided the international framework for the merger of the two German states. All of the documents fall within the UK's 30-year rule and have therefore not previously been in the public domain. Most are drawn from the archives of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, but there are also a large number of Prime Ministerial files from the Cabinet Office archives. These are of particular interest for the light they throw on the views of Margaret Thatcher. Taken together, the documents show that despite Mrs Thatcher's well-known reservations about German unity, the United Kingdom played a vital and constructive role in the negotiations that helped to bring it about. This volume will be of great interest to students of International History, British Political History, and European Politics and International Relations in general. Patrick Salmon is Chief Historian at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Keith Hamilton is a Historian at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Senior Editor of Documents on British Policy Overseas. Stephen Twigge is a Senior Historian at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

This book is a collection of diplomatic documents describing the development of British relations with the Nordic countries between the end of the Second World War and the defeat of the Labour Government in 1951. The end of the Second World War brought hopes of building a new society in Western Europe. This volume documents Foreign Office concerns about the range of problems, both multilateral and bilateral, which still remained to be resolved in the Nordic area, and describes the evolution of policies to deal with them. The Soviet Union, which in May 1945 already occupied parts of Norway and Denmark and dominated Finland, was perceived as a growing threat. The Nordic region was considered to be of significant strategic importance during this period. The documents describe the process whereby Britain attempted to encourage Scandinavian countries away from their support for neutrality and, by enlisting American support, began the process which led to the signature of the Atlantic Treaty in 1949, signed by Norway, Denmark and Iceland. They also include material describing the establishment of Information Research Department (formed to counteract Soviet propaganda) and illustrating some of its methods. Some documents not previously in the public domain have been declassified for this volume. Most are drawn from the archives of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, but there are also a number of Prime Ministerial and Cabinet Office documents. This book will be of much interest to students of the Cold War, European history, British political history, international history and IR in general.

This volume is comprised of a collection of diplomatic documents covering British reactions to, and policy towards, the collapse of the German Democratic Republic and the unification of Germany in 1989-90.

The peaceful unification of Germany in 1989-90 brought a dramatic end to the Cold War. This volume documents official British reactions to the collapse of East Germany and the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the evolution of British policy during the ?Two plus Four? negotiations that provided the international framework for the merger of the two German states. All of the documents fall within the UK's 30-year rule and have therefore not previously been in the public domain. Most are drawn from the archives of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, but there are also a large number of Prime Ministerial files from the Cabinet Office archives. These are of particular interest for the light they throw on the views of Margaret Thatcher. Taken together, the documents show that despite Mrs Thatcher's well-known reservations about German unity, the United Kingdom played a vital and constructive role in the negotiations that helped to bring it about.

This volume will be of great interest to students of International History, British Political History, and European Politics and International Relations in general.

Patrick Salmon is Chief Historian at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

Keith Hamilton is a Historian at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Senior Editor of Documents on British Policy Overseas.

Stephen Twigge is a Senior Historian at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

A fascinating collection of British foreign policy documents covering reactions in Whitehall to political change and revolution in the Mediterranean basin from 1973 to 1976. This volume contains many previously unpublished documents, including Joint Intelligence Committee papers, which cast new light on key events, such as the international crisis triggered by the coup against Archbishop Makarios in Cyprus, Turkey's military intervention in the island, the overthrow of the Caetano regime in Portugal, and the death of Franco in Spain. During 1973-76, years generally associated with East/West detente in Europe, NATO's southern flank was plunged into crisis by a revolution in Portugal and a coup d'etat in Cyprus. Political turmoil in Portugal, Turkey's military intervention in Cyprus, the collapse of the military government in Greece, and the threat of a Greco-Turkish War, all emphasized the vulnerability of the alliance to regime change in the Mediterranean. The Western allies had also to prepare for the death of two ageing dictators in Spain and Yugoslavia, and the possible entry of Communists into government in France and Italy. This volume draws upon the records of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the Cabinet Office and the Ministry of Defence, to document the reactions of Harold Wilson's Labour government to these developments. This book will be of great interest to all students of contemporary British history, international history, European history, international relations, politics and diplomacy.

Of all the Soviet Union's subject nationalities, the three Baltic republics, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, were the most determined and best organised in seizing the opportunities created by glasnost and perestroika to win freedom from Moscow's grip. At the time of first publication, in 1991, the final section of the book was speculative. Now for this revised edition, the authors have provided a new final chapter which brings the story up to date -- and the three republics to political independence again.

This volume documents the British Government's response from mid-1946 to early 1948 to the twin challenges of economic recovery and the search for a meaningful Western security framework in the face of the increasing polarisation of Europe into Eastern and Western spheres of influence. Although relations between the wartime Big Three allies, the UK, US and USSR, had begun to fracture even before the end of hostilities in 1945, it was during 1947 that the postwar division of Europe became sufficiently alarming to prompt decisive action, under American and British leadership, to promote European economic reconstruction and thereby increase Western security. American leadership took the form of two initiatives, enabled by US economic and military strength: the Truman Doctrine for aid to Greece and Turkey, announced in March 1947, and the Economic Recovery Programme or Marshall Plan, first proposed in June 1947. British leadership, under the personal direction of Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, was shown in two ways: in articulating Western Europe's need for US help in a way that enabled it to be recognised and then accepted; and in helping to coordinate the European response to the US initiatives to maximise their effectiveness. Documentation on the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan forms the core of the volume, but a wide range of material, including intelligence-related documents, has been chosen to illustrate the multiple challenges faced by the Attlee Government during this period. This book will be of much interest to students of British politics, Cold War History, European History and International Relations.

This volume consists of a book and fully searchable DVD containing a facsimile collection of diplomatic documents covering British reactions to critical developments regarding Berlin, its quadripartite administration, and role in the Cold War during the crises of 1948-49, 1959-61 and 1988-90.

These events were each set within very different international contexts, but four interrelated themes are nevertheless common to each of the three chapters of the volume: the British Government s insistence, in conjunction with the Americans and the French, on upholding and safeguarding the rights of the four occupying powers in Berlin; British concerns with broader matters of military security in Western Europe as a whole and Germany in particular; the interaction of the four occupying powers with one another; and the questions raised by demographic change, especially population movements from east to west. All of the documents dealing with the events of 1989-90 fall within the UK s 30-year rule and are therefore not yet in the public domain.

This volume examines diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and South Africa from 1986 to 1990, when deadlock gave way to the first stages in the unwinding of apartheid. By the middle of 1986, the South African Government had succeeded in containing the township revolt, but its hesitant moves towards reform had brought the end of apartheid no closer. The intransigent figure of President P.W. Botha ensured a continuing stalemate until his reluctant departure from office in August 1989. The subsequent election of F.W. de Klerk marked the beginning of irrevocable change, symbolised by the release of Nelson Mandela from prison in February 1990. This volume documents the role of the United Kingdom in keeping pressure on the South African Government, building contacts with the African National Congress (ANC) and giving decisive encouragement to President de Klerk's reform initiatives. It reveals recurrent differences of approach between the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. However, it also shows that despite her frequent confrontations with the international community in general, and the Commonwealth in particular, Mrs Thatcher repeatedly brought pressure to President Botha and strongly supported President de Klerk during his first crucial months in office. Her part in bringing about change in South Africa was fully appreciated by Nelson Mandela, whose first meeting with Mrs Thatcher concludes the volume. This book will be of much interest to students of British politics, African studies, foreign policy and International Relations in general.

This volume consists of a book and downloadable resources containing a facsimile collection of diplomatic documents covering British reactions to critical developments regarding Berlin, its quadripartite administration, and role in the Cold War during the crises of 1948-49, 1959-61 and 1988-90. These events were each set within very different international contexts, but four interrelated themes are nevertheless common to each of the three chapters of the volume: the British Government's insistence, in conjunction with the Americans and the French, on upholding and safeguarding the rights of the four occupying powers in Berlin; British concerns with broader matters of military security in Western Europe as a whole and Germany in particular; the interaction of the four occupying powers with one another; and the questions raised by demographic change, especially population movements from east to west. All of the documents dealing with the events of 1989-90 fall within the UK's 30-year rule and are therefore not yet in the public domain.

Of all the Soviet Union's subject nationalities, the three Baltic republics, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, were the most determined and best organised in seizing the opportunities created by glasnost and perestroika to win freedom from Moscow's grip. At the time of first publication, in 1991, the final section of the book was speculative. Now for this revised edition, the authors have provided a new final chapter which brings the story up to date -- and the three republics to political independence again.

This volume examines diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and South Africa during one of the most turbulent periods of the apartheid era. The crisis of apartheid that began in 1984 provoked international outrage on an unprecedented scale. This volume documents the attempt by the British Government to formulate a response that would go some way towards meeting demands for action on the part of critics of South Africa in the Commonwealth, the United States and the European Community as well as in the United Kingdom itself, without at the same time inflicting unacceptable damage on Britain's significant economic interests in South Africa. It was a process marked by frequent disagreements between Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office under Sir Geoffrey Howe. The volume begins with reports of the deepening crisis at the beginning of 1985 and concludes with the Commonwealth Review Meeting in August 1986, one of the lowest of many low points in relations between the British Government and the critics of apartheid. In South Africa, meanwhile, there seemed little hope of progress following the imposition of a national state of emergency, as the confrontation between the Government and its opponents headed for deadlock and the power of the 'securocrats' surrounding President Botha became steadily more entrenched. This volume gives a flavour of what it was like to be a British diplomat working for change at that time. This volume will be of great interest to students of International History, British Political History, African History and International Relations in general.

This volume examines diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and South Africa during one of the most turbulent periods of the apartheid era. The crisis of apartheid that began in 1984 provoked international outrage on an unprecedented scale. This volume documents the attempt by the British Government to formulate a response that would go some way towards meeting demands for action on the part of critics of South Africa in the Commonwealth, the United States and the European Community as well as in the United Kingdom itself, without at the same time inflicting unacceptable damage on Britain's significant economic interests in South Africa. It was a process marked by frequent disagreements between Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office under Sir Geoffrey Howe. The volume begins with reports of the deepening crisis at the beginning of 1985 and concludes with the Commonwealth Review Meeting in August 1986, one of the lowest of many low points in relations between the British Government and the critics of apartheid. In South Africa, meanwhile, there seemed little hope of progress following the imposition of a national state of emergency, as the confrontation between the Government and its opponents headed for deadlock and the power of the 'securocrats' surrounding President Botha became steadily more entrenched. This volume gives a flavour of what it was like to be a British diplomat working for change at that time. This volume will be of great interest to students of International History, British Political History, African History and International Relations in general.

This is a study of commercial diplomacy, which investigates the responses of British industry and government to foreign competition, sectoral depression and decline. It examines the attitude of the British iron and steel industry towards the cartel of the continental steel industries, and the attempt of the Lancashire cotton industry in 1932 4 to reach a market-sharing agreement with Japan. Using a wide range of primary sources the author provides an analysis of the role of the state in British industrial policies and in the management of industrial decline. He shows that the outcome of international negotiations in the steel and cotton industries was not determined by economic factors alone, but was decisively influenced by political and diplomatic considerations and by the role of the state.

This is a comprehensive survey of the changing position of the Nordic states (Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Norway) in twentieth-century international relations. It focuses on their relations with Great Britain, Germany and Russia and shows how Scandinavia was drawn into great-power confrontation and conflict. It discusses the experience of these small states in the light of international relations theory and examines the role of Scandinavia in the military plans and economic policies of the great powers before and during the two world wars.

At the beginning of the twentieth century Scandinavia lay on the margin of European power politics, but with the polarisation of international relations in the era of the two world wars, Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden became the point where the spheres of influence of three great powers - Great Britain, Germany and Russia - intersected. In this book, Patrick Salmon uses his extensive research in British, German and Scandinavian archives to examine the position of the Nordic countries in the great-power rivalries and conflicts of the period 1890-1940. However, it does not treat the Nordic countries merely as passive victims. It seeks to show that, despite the disparity in strength between the great powers and the small states of northern Europe, the latter had means of adapting to great-power pressures and even influencing the policies of their formidable neighbours.