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While the US-Japan alliance has strengthened since the end of the
Cold War, Japan has, almost unnoticed, been building security ties
with other partners, in the process reducing the centrality of the
US in Japan's security. This book explains why this is happening.
Japan pursued security isolationism during the Cold War, but the US
was the exception. Japan hosted US bases and held joint military
exercises even while shunning contacts with other militaries. Japan
also made an exception to its weapons export ban to allow exports
to the US. Yet, since the end of the Cold War, Japan's security has
undergone a quiet transformation, moving away from a singular focus
on the US as its sole security partner. Tokyo has begun
diversifying its security ties. This book traces and explains this
diversification. The country has initiated security dialogues with
Asian neighbors, assumed a leadership role in promoting regional
multilateral security cooperation, and begun building bilateral
security ties with a range of partners, from Australia and India to
the European Union. Japan has even lifted its ban on weapons
exports and co-development with non-US partners. This edited volume
explores this trend of decreasing US centrality alongside the
continued, and perhaps even growing, security (inter) dependence
with the US. New Directions in Japan's Security is an essential
resource for scholars focused on Japan's national security. It will
also interest on a wider basis those wishing to understand why
Japan is developing non-American directions in its security
strategy.
While the US-Japan alliance has strengthened since the end of the
Cold War, Japan has, almost unnoticed, been building security ties
with other partners, in the process reducing the centrality of the
US in Japan's security. This book explains why this is happening.
Japan pursued security isolationism during the Cold War, but the US
was the exception. Japan hosted US bases and held joint military
exercises even while shunning contacts with other militaries. Japan
also made an exception to its weapons export ban to allow exports
to the US. Yet, since the end of the Cold War, Japan's security has
undergone a quiet transformation, moving away from a singular focus
on the US as its sole security partner. Tokyo has begun
diversifying its security ties. This book traces and explains this
diversification. The country has initiated security dialogues with
Asian neighbors, assumed a leadership role in promoting regional
multilateral security cooperation, and begun building bilateral
security ties with a range of partners, from Australia and India to
the European Union. Japan has even lifted its ban on weapons
exports and co-development with non-US partners. This edited volume
explores this trend of decreasing US centrality alongside the
continued, and perhaps even growing, security (inter) dependence
with the US. New Directions in Japan's Security is an essential
resource for scholars focused on Japan's national security. It will
also interest on a wider basis those wishing to understand why
Japan is developing non-American directions in its security
strategy.
Both the European Union and Japan have been major beneficiaries and
supporters of the liberal international order, first led by the
United States since the end of World War II. During this period,
they have emerged as global powers, however, the very order that
nurtured their rise is now facing twin threats. First, through
authoritarian China's promotion of alternative models of global
governance, and second from a crisis of liberalism, manifested in
the policies of President Donald Trump and Brexit. This book
explores these challenges faced by both the EU and Japan, providing
a multidisciplinary approach to studying the relationship between
the two. It analyses their cooperation in terms of security,
defence and trade and examines how their shared normative values
are ultimately implemented. Having recently concluded an Economic
Partnership Agreement and with a Strategic Partnership Agreement in
the pipeline, this book asks whether they can convert their latent
and modest cooperation into an alternative form of leadership and
an antidote to the illiberal tide sweeping the developed world? As
the first book to shed light on the new Economic Partnership
Agreement between the EU and Japan, this book will be useful to
students and scholars of Japanese Studies, as well as European
Union politics and international political economy more generally.
Both the European Union and Japan have been major beneficiaries and
supporters of the liberal international order, first led by the
United States since the end of World War II. During this period,
they have emerged as global powers, however, the very order that
nurtured their rise is now facing twin threats. First, through
authoritarian China's promotion of alternative models of global
governance, and second from a crisis of liberalism, manifested in
the policies of President Donald Trump and Brexit. This book
explores these challenges faced by both the EU and Japan, providing
a multidisciplinary approach to studying the relationship between
the two. It analyses their cooperation in terms of security,
defence and trade and examines how their shared normative values
are ultimately implemented. Having recently concluded an Economic
Partnership Agreement and with a Strategic Partnership Agreement in
the pipeline, this book asks whether they can convert their latent
and modest cooperation into an alternative form of leadership and
an antidote to the illiberal tide sweeping the developed world? As
the first book to shed light on the new Economic Partnership
Agreement between the EU and Japan, this book will be useful to
students and scholars of Japanese Studies, as well as European
Union politics and international political economy more generally.
This book asks why, in the wake of the Cold War, Japan suddenly
reversed years of steadfast opposition to security cooperation with
its neighbors. Long isolated and opposed to multilateral
agreements, Japan proposed East Asia's first multilateral security
forum in the early 1990s, emerging as a regional leader. Overcoming
Isolationism explores what led to this surprising about-face and
offers a corrective to the misperception that Japan's security
strategy is reactive to US pressure and unresponsive to its
neighbors. Paul Midford draws on newly released official documents
and extensive interviews to reveal a quarter century of Japanese
leadership in promoting regional security cooperation. He
demonstrates that Japan has a much more nuanced relationship with
its neighbors and has played a more significant leadership role in
shaping East Asian security than has previously been recognized.
This book identifies second stage challenges and opportunities for
expanding renewable energy into a mainstay of electricity
generation that can replace fossil fuels and nuclear power,
comparing Japan with several countries in East Asia and Northern
Europe. Environmentally sustainable renewable energy technologies
have now overtaken fossil fuel and nuclear technologies in terms of
total global investment, and the costs of these technologies and
related ones (e.g. storage batteries) are rapidly falling. Yet
renewable energy use varies greatly from country to country. Major
second stage obstacles to replacing fossil and nuclear-fueled
electricity generation include the lack of electricity grid
capacity and storage assets. Opportunities and solutions include
expanding grids regionally and internationally, building flexible
smart grids that offer better demand management, and policies that
promote the expansion of storage assets, especially grid batteries
and hydrogen. In addition, two key factors - electricity market
restructuring through unbundling transmission from electricity
generating companies; and electricity market liberalization,
especially for retail customers - allow consumers to choose power
companies based not only on price, but also on method of
generation, especially fossil or nuclear generation versus
renewable energy.
This book identifies second stage challenges and opportunities for
expanding renewable energy into a mainstay of electricity
generation that can replace fossil fuels and nuclear power,
comparing Japan with several countries in East Asia and Northern
Europe. Environmentally sustainable renewable energy technologies
have now overtaken fossil fuel and nuclear technologies in terms of
total global investment, and the costs of these technologies and
related ones (e.g. storage batteries) are rapidly falling. Yet
renewable energy use varies greatly from country to country. Major
second stage obstacles to replacing fossil and nuclear-fueled
electricity generation include the lack of electricity grid
capacity and storage assets. Opportunities and solutions include
expanding grids regionally and internationally, building flexible
smart grids that offer better demand management, and policies that
promote the expansion of storage assets, especially grid batteries
and hydrogen. In addition, two key factors - electricity market
restructuring through unbundling transmission from electricity
generating companies; and electricity market liberalization,
especially for retail customers - allow consumers to choose power
companies based not only on price, but also on method of
generation, especially fossil or nuclear generation versus
renewable energy.
Based on extensive Japanese-language materials, this book is the
first to examine the development of Japan's Ground Self-Defense
Force. It addresses: how the GSDF was able to emerge as the
post-war successor of the Imperial Japanese Army despite Japan's
anti-militarist constitution; how the GSDF, despite the public
skepticism and even hostility that greeted its creation, built
domestic and international legitimacy; and how the GSDF has
responded to changes in international and domestic environments.
This path-breaking study of the world's third-largest-economic
power's ground army is timely for two reasons. First, the
resurgence of tensions in Northeast Asia over territorial disputes,
and the emphasis recent Japanese governments have placed on using
the GSDF for defending Japan's outlying islands is driving media
coverage and specialist interest in the GSDF. Second, the March 11,
2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami has focused global
attention on the GSDF as Japan's lead disaster relief organization.
This highly informative and thoroughly researched book provides
insight for policy makers and academics interested in Japanese
foreign and defense policies.
These essays by no means cover all areas of interest in long-term
care programs, but they offer new insights (and intriguing
questions for future research) about how differently policies in
this important area can be carried out in different countries.
Based on extensive Japanese-language materials, this book is the
first to examine the development of Japan's Ground Self-Defense
Force. It addresses: how the GSDF was able to emerge as the
post-war successor of the Imperial Japanese Army despite Japan's
anti-militarist constitution; how the GSDF, despite the public
skepticism and even hostility that greeted its creation, built
domestic and international legitimacy; and how the GSDF has
responded to changes in international and domestic environments.
This path-breaking study of the world's third-largest-economic
power's ground army is timely for two reasons. First, the
resurgence of tensions in Northeast Asia over territorial disputes,
and the emphasis recent Japanese governments have placed on using
the GSDF for defending Japan's outlying islands is driving media
coverage and specialist interest in the GSDF. Second, the March 11,
2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami has focused global
attention on the GSDF as Japan's lead disaster relief organization.
This highly informative and thoroughly researched book provides
insight for policy makers and academics interested in Japanese
foreign and defense policies.
In this book, Paul Midford engages claims that since 9/11 Japanese
public opinion has turned sharply away from pacifism and toward
supporting normalization of Japan's military power, in which
Japanese troops would fight alongside their American counterparts
in various conflicts worldwide.
Midford argues that Japanese public opinion has never embraced
pacifism. It has, instead, contained significant elements of
realism, in that it has acknowledged the utility of military power
for defending national territory and independence, but has seen
offensive military power as ineffective for promoting other
goals--such as suppressing terrorist networks and WMD
proliferation, or promoting democracy overseas.
Over several decades, these realist attitudes have become more
evident as the Japanese state has gradually convinced its public
that Tokyo and its military can be trusted with territorial
defense, and even with noncombat humanitarian and reconstruction
missions overseas. On this basis, says Midford, we should
re-conceptualize Japanese public opinion as attitudinal defensive
realism.
In this book, Paul Midford engages claims that since 9/11 Japanese
public opinion has turned sharply away from pacifism and toward
supporting normalization of Japan's military power, in which
Japanese troops would fight alongside their American counterparts
in various conflicts worldwide.
Midford argues that Japanese public opinion has never embraced
pacifism. It has, instead, contained significant elements of
realism, in that it has acknowledged the utility of military power
for defending national territory and independence, but has seen
offensive military power as ineffective for promoting other
goals--such as suppressing terrorist networks and WMD
proliferation, or promoting democracy overseas.
Over several decades, these realist attitudes have become more
evident as the Japanese state has gradually convinced its public
that Tokyo and its military can be trusted with territorial
defense, and even with noncombat humanitarian and reconstruction
missions overseas. On this basis, says Midford, we should
re-conceptualize Japanese public opinion as attitudinal defensive
realism.
After decades of solely relying on the United States for its
national security needs, over the last decade, Japan has begun to
actively develop and deepen its security ties with a growing number
of countries and actors in the Asia-Pacific region and Europe, a
development that has further intensified under the Shinzo Abe
administration. This is the first book that provides a
comprehensive analysis of the motives and objectives from both the
Japanese and the partner-countries' perspectives, and asks what
this might mean for the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific
region, and what lessons can be learned for security cooperation
more broadly. This book is for those interested in Japan's security
policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, and non-US centred
bilateral and multilateral security cooperation. It is an ideal
textbook for undergraduate and graduate level courses on regional
security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese
foreign and security policy. -- .
After decades of solely relying on the United States for its
national security needs, over the last decade, Japan has begun to
actively develop and deepen its security ties with a growing number
of countries and actors in the Asia-Pacific region and Europe, a
development that has further intensified under the Shinzo Abe
administration. This is the first book that provides a
comprehensive analysis of the motives and objectives from both the
Japanese and the partner-countries' perspectives, and asks what
this might mean for the security architecture in the Asia-Pacific
region, and what lessons can be learned for security cooperation
more broadly. This book is for those interested in Japan's security
policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, and non-US centred
bilateral and multilateral security cooperation. It is an ideal
textbook for undergraduate and graduate level courses on regional
security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese
foreign and security policy. -- .
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