Numeral constructions in Polish are known for their complex morpho-syntax: in particular, depending on the type, case and syntactic context, the numeral may show properties of the adjective or the noun. This volume presents a comprehensive analysis of these constructions set in the current generative-minimalist model of grammar, with elements of nano-syntax. The authors pay particular attention to a feature-based derivation of the numeral construction in its different versions, including complex multiplicative numerals, as well as its distribution in the clause. Numerals in the subject position, with their peculiar case and agreement features become a focal point of attention. Their properties receive a principled account through the use of the case projection sequence and disciplined movements within it.

One of the well-known properties of Slavic languages is that they show subject-oriented reflexives. This book presents this phenomenon in Polish in great empirical detail and provides its up-to-date syntactic analysis, couched in the minimalist model of grammar. The analysis accounts for the fact that not only nominative subjects but also experiencers, both dative-marked and some accusative-marked, function as antecedents for reflexive elements. On the basis of empirical studies, the book explains why dative experiencers bind both reflexive and pronominal possessives in identical local configurations, while nominatve subjects bind only reflexive possessives. The authors investigate both long-distance binding relations in infinitives and contexts internal to nominal phrases. Extensive references are made to binding in other languages and alternative models.

The study presented in this book aimed to test the argument structure of ditransitive verbs in Polish with the use of quantifier scope interpretation. Since these verbs typically allow for relatively free object order, it is not clear whether any of the object orders is basic or if they constitute separate underlying structures. The study reports the results of five experiments testing acceptability of scope interpretation of Polish quantified objects in two object orders, using variables such as coordination, to reveal which scope changing mechanism is responsible for ambiguity. The results showed that only the DO-IO order allowed for scope ambiguity, however, to a different degree depending on the semantic class of the verb. This indicates that the merge position of objects is contingent upon that factor.