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This book uses Sweden as a test case to analyze how parliament and
elected representatives function in a representative democracy.
Despite the status of Scandinavian countries as perhaps the world's
most egalitarian societies, the book argues that the best summary
characterization of Swedish representative democracy is an elitist
system run from above. The book also argues that an individualist
representational model is relevant to the Swedish setting and most
likely, to other settings as well. Representative democracy is not
just party-based democracy - not even in a country with strong and
disciplined parties. The book takes a broad approach to the study
of political representation. It integrates into a single analytical
framework concepts and theories from neighbouring traditions such
as legislative behaviour, opinion formation and interest
organizations. The study is based on a comprehensive set of data,
including three surveys of the Members of the Swedish Parliament,
corresponding voter surveys and content analysis of mass media and
parliamentary records.
This book uses Sweden as a test case to analyze how parliament and
elected representatives function in a representative democracy.
Despite the status of Scandinavian countries as perhaps the world's
most egalitarian societies, the book argues that the best summary
characterization of Swedish representative democracy is an elitist
system run from above. The book also argues that an individualist
representational model is relevant to the Swedish setting and most
likely, to other settings as well. Representative democracy is not
just party-based democracy - not even in a country with strong and
disciplined parties. The book takes a broad approach to the study
of political representation. It integrates into a single analytical
framework concepts and theories from neighbouring traditions such
as legislative behaviour, opinion formation and interest
organizations. The study is based on a comprehensive set of data,
including three surveys of the Members of the Swedish Parliament,
corresponding voter surveys and content analysis of mass media and
parliamentary records.
Challenged by the notion that the system of government known as
'representative democracy' is more elitist than is commonly
assumed, contributors to this book seek new approaches to empirical
studies on the relationship between citizens and their chosen
representatives. The book focuses on the way in which
representatives and citizens interact during mandate periods
between elections. It contributes in three ways to previous
research on the representative relationship. First, by thinking
broadly about between-election phenomena, it integrates research
literatures which study representative relationships parallel to
each other, on separate tracks. Second, it aspires to identify
questions that have remained unanswered, or even unidentified, in
previous representation research. Third, it suggests a
reconceptualisation of 'responsiveness', which acknowledges that
representatives are required to communicate their reason for
actions but not necessarily to adapt to citizens' wishes and views.
Why do we need European integration in increasingly fragmented and
antagonised European societies? How can European integration relate
to the national stories we carry about who we are as a nation and
where we belong? What to do with the national stories that tell
traumatising tales of past loss and sacrifice, and depict others as
villains or foes? Can we still claim that our national states are
the most legitimate way of organising European political
communities today? Engaging with these big questions of European
politics, Nevena Nancheva tells a small story from the periphery of
Europe. Looking at two post-communist Balkan states - Bulgaria and
Macedonia - she explores how their narratives of national identity
have changed in the context of Europeanisation and EU membership
preparations. In doing so, Nancheva suggests that national identity
and European integration might be more relevant than previously
thought.
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