Originally published in 2000, Taiwan’s Security in the Post-Deng Xiaoping Era analyses the many domestic and international factors comprising Taiwan’s security situation in the late 1990s and early 21st Century. The security of Taiwan remains of international strategic concern, and the military situation in the Taiwan Strait is increasingly volatile, nearly 25 years after this book was first published. This detailed study concludes that Taiwan’s overall security will become increasingly dependent on external factors and that the most important contribution Taipei can make to its own security, other than military preparation, is political astuteness.

This book examines China's involvement in international governance, international regimes, and globalization. Peter Kien-hong Yu offers a new framework with which to understand 'international regimes' and applies it to important Chinese case studies such as arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation; the counter-piracy regime and the environmental issue. Whilst internationally important matters related to such systems are identified, Yu's discussions attempt to find out whether any particular system works better in relation to China, and asks if not, why not? After examining eight different cases, the author concludes that these regimes are working but there is ample room for improvement and that the Chinese (Communists) for one have to enhance their understanding of international governance and try to export their experience to other parts of the world. International Governance and Regimes will be appeal to anyone interested in International Politics, Chinese Studies, Political theory and International Relations.

This book illustrates how the one-dot theory, which is a dialectical study, is well suited to describing, explaining and inferring contemporary China's past, present and future. It argues that since October 1949, the field of contemporary China studies has been dominated by modified and abandoned non-dialectical theories and models. It also challenges selected non-dialectical theories and models which were first generated in the West, such as the game theory and rational (choice) theory. With its emphasis on methodology, the book offers a valuable resource for academics, researchers and practitioners alike with an interest in logically, systematically and coherently unraveling Taiwan's and mainland China's contemporary politics and international relations.

This book illustrates how the one-dot theory, which is a dialectical study, is well suited to describing, explaining and inferring contemporary China's past, present and future. It argues that since October 1949, the field of contemporary China studies has been dominated by modified and abandoned non-dialectical theories and models. It also challenges selected non-dialectical theories and models which were first generated in the West, such as the game theory and rational (choice) theory. With its emphasis on methodology, the book offers a valuable resource for academics, researchers and practitioners alike with an interest in logically, systematically and coherently unraveling Taiwan's and mainland China's contemporary politics and international relations.

This book uses Chinese version of dialectics to present interpretations of ocean governance, international regimes, issues in the South China Sea in general and the Chinese U-shaped line in particular, through the one-dot theory. It especially serves as a tool for non-Chinese researchers and experts interested in analyzing international relations issues from a Chinese perspective. The dialectical one-dot theory, which is a superior model to the dialectical Yin and Yang or the dialectical crab and frog motion model, provides research and findings that more closely mirror reality than do other, non-dialectical approaches and research methods. Further, it can be applied to both the natural and social sciences. The book is divided into three parts - Methodology, Case Studies Related to International Regimes and Non-"International Regimes," and Issues Related to the U-shaped Line in the South China Sea - with each chapter structured in terms of the one-dot theory. In addition to researchers and experts involved in marine and maritime affairs, this book will also appeal to all readers interested in Chinese Philosophy, International Relations, and Strategic Culture.

This book examines China's involvement in international governance, international regimes, and globalization. Peter Kien-hong Yu offers a new framework with which to understand ?international regimes? and applies it to important Chinese case studies such as arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation; the counter-piracy regime and the environmental issue.

Whilst internationally important matters related to such systems are identified, Yu's discussions attempt to find out whether any particular system works better in relation to China, and asks if not, why not? After examining eight different cases, the author concludes that these regimes are working but there is ample room for improvement and that the Chinese (Communists) for one have to enhance their understanding of international governance and try to export their experience to other parts of the world.

International Governance and Regimes will be appeal to anyone interested in International Politics, Chinese Studies, Political theory and International Relations.

The ancient Chinese scholars are fond of applying the"Yin"and"Yang"diagram to correlate almost everything.This bookcontinues that tradition and uses the modelto study other non-"dialectical" theories and models.The major finding"qua"contribution in this publication is to point out that the four diagrams are equivalent to the"BaGua"or"BaGuaTu"(BG)," "a set ofeightancient China symbolic notations/gossip.Another finding is thatdialectical/crab and frog motion remark is just the opposite of a non-dialectical/crab and frog motion (usually deductive, linear, or cause and effect) remark, or, at best, they must meet half-way.

The two major tasks of this book are to, first, apply the author'sone-dot theory, which is shored up by the crab and frog motion model, to convert other theories and models as well as studies and, second, apply his theory and model to reinvent some well-known western-derived theories and models and studies, such as game theory.The attempt is to narrow down the gap between the East and the West scholarship/"XueShu," broadly defined, making the book of interest to Eastern and Western philosophers and scholars alike.

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This book uses Chinese version of dialectics to present interpretations of ocean governance, international regimes, issues in the South China Sea in general and the Chinese U-shaped line in particular, through the one-dot theory. It especially serves as a tool for non-Chinese researchers and experts interested in analyzing international relations issues from a Chinese perspective. The dialectical one-dot theory, which is a superior model to the dialectical Yin and Yang or the dialectical crab and frog motion model, provides research and findings that more closely mirror reality than do other, non-dialectical approaches and research methods. Further, it can be applied to both the natural and social sciences. The book is divided into three parts - Methodology, Case Studies Related to International Regimes and Non-"International Regimes," and Issues Related to the U-shaped Line in the South China Sea - with each chapter structured in terms of the one-dot theory. In addition to researchers and experts involved in marine and maritime affairs, this book will also appeal to all readers interested in Chinese Philosophy, International Relations, and Strategic Culture.

This book is constructed upon a dialectical model (or paradigm) and then applied to analyse many issues concerning Biocoastal China, namely, the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan. This model differs in many respects from other dialectical models. The issues include: The dialectical succession problem in China; the complex, dialectical relationship between the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese People's Liberation Army (CPLA); the politico-military dimension of mainland China and Taiwan's relations; One Country, Two Systems: the dialectical dual recognition in foreign relations; the negotiations between Beijing and Taipei; changing the national title of the PRC as well as the ROC, if necessary; transferring of party policies from Taiwan to mainland China; and the Nansha Island Group as a dialectical co-operation and co-ordination place between Beijing Taipei.

This book presents and discusses an in-depth study of one dot by using different approaches and methods in social science. Since one-dot is a theory, it must be accompanied by a model, and the name of the model is called the crab and frog motion. Arguably, everything can be simplified or compressed in terms of a dot. It is suggested that the Yin and Yang diagram and three others should be applied in order to describe and explain each case study.

This work, written by an expert in the politics of Mainland China and Taiwan, looks at the role the Constitution of the Republic of China has played in the development of Taiwan since 1949 and its potential influence on the People's Republic of China. The Chinese Communists conducted the first long march for the sake of the majority of Chinese people, with the victory of MAO Zedong. In the second long march, CHIANG Kai-shek and his successors tried to convert the Chinese mainland from a Communist, totalitarian system, into a democratic, prosperous one by relying on the spirit of the Republic of China (ROC) constitution and by setting itself as a good example, in gradually guaranteeing freedom and democracy. Needless to say, this march is long and difficult. The Second Long March challenges other models and theories on the study of the relationship between the ROC (Taiwan area) and mainland China or the People's Republic of China (PRC) since China became politically (as opposed to legally) divided in December 1949. Arguably, it is the ROC Constitution that has helped ROC citizens to live in a non-Communist or anti-Communist political system. Actively promoting democracy and freedom on the Chinese mainland (neidi) can further guarantee the Taiwan area's survival. The book will provide valuable scholarship of interest to anyone researching the political history of China and its prospects for democratization.

In the this collection, International Governance, Regimes, and Globalization, the writers explore international relations and globalization by using specific examples from Beijing and Taipei. In December 1949, when China was politically divided the People's Republic of China (PRC) central government was in control of most resources, tangible and intangible. For that reason, our unit of analysis has to be the state, meaning a government or a politically organized body. With the rise of civil society at both national and international levels, applying the international/global governance theory should be closer to reality, because we have to look at both the state and non-state-sponsored dimensions, which are more complex and complicated. Indeed, international/global governance could become a new school of thought and will continue to expand as academics explore. For example, neo-liberalism primarily focuses on market and contract. When people buy and sell something, they are in a market. In other words, politics is the superstructure of economics or as Karl Marx said what prevails in economy will ultimately prevail in politics. In a sense, subscribers to this school of thought are Marxian. However, the study of international/global governance embraces the non-state sponsored dimension. Hence, it is broader than that of the neo-liberalism school of thought.

This work, written by an expert in the politics of Mainland China and Taiwan, looks at the role the Constitution of the Republic of China has played in the development of Taiwan since 1949 and its potential influence on the People's Republic of China.The Chinese Communists conducted the first long march for the sake of the majority of Chinese people, with the victory of MAO Zedong. In the second long march, CHIANG Kai-shek and his successors tried to convert the Chinese mailand from a Communist, totalitarian system, into a democratic, prosperous one by relying on the spirit of the Republic of China (ROC) constitution and by setting itself as a good example, in gradually guaranteeing freedom and democracy. Needless to say, this march is long and difficult."Struggling Against The Chinese Communists under the Republic of China Constitution" challenges other models and theories on the study of the relationship between the ROC (Taiwan area) and mainland China or the People's Republic of China (PRC) since China became politically (as opposed to legally) divided in December 1949. Arguably, it is the ROC Constitution that has helped ROC citizens to live in a non-Communist or anti-Communist political system. Actively promoting democracy and freedom on the Chinese mainland (neidi) can further guarantee the Taiwan area's survival.The book provides valuable scholarship of interest to anyone researching the political history of China and its prospects for democratization.

In Crab and Frog Motion Paradigm Shift, Peter Kien-hong Yu presents a dialectical approach to the study of Chinese (Communist) politics. Yu demonstrates that the application of non-dialectical approaches to the study of Chinese politics over the last eighty years is misguided, due to ample evidence showing that Chinese political figures made use of a particular version of dialectics in their thought and actions. Through case studies, Yu demonstrates that the perception of reality, in terms of dialectics and non-dialectics, makes a striking difference to political analysis, and shows that this framework of thought and action can be applied to any case, word, number, letter, or symbol. This book was awarded a grant by the East Asian Research Institute (U.S.) October 2001.