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Showing 1 - 12 of
12 matches in All Departments
Double bill of British dramas about football violence and
hooliganism. 'The Football Factory' (2004) is based on the novel by
John King. Tommy Johnson (Danny Dyer) is a bright but bored
30-year-old with a steady job and close-knit family who lives for
the weekend life of casual sex, lager, drugs - and violence.
Through him we meet three other males in his world: Billy Bright
(Frank Harper), a right-wing fascist full of bitterness at a
country that he perceives as having failed him; Zeberdee (Roland
Manookian), a mouthy hooligan whose life revolves around crime and
drugs; and Bill Farrell (Dudley Sutton), a 70-year-old war veteran
who tries to enjoy every day to the limit. Shot in documentary
style using a handheld camera, the film realistically captures the
lure and potency of football violence. 'Arrivederci Millwall'
(1990) follows a group of hardcore Millwall supporters as they
travel to Bilbao in Spain for England's World Cup matches in 1982.
Their rowdy behaviour soon leads them into trouble, and the
violence escalates as Billy Jarvis (Kevin O'Donohoe) steals a gun
to avenge his brother's death in the Falklands conflict.
Both reason and religion have been acknowledged by scholars to have
had a profound impact on the foundation and formation of the
American regime. But the significance, pervasiveness, and depth of
that impact have also been disputed. While many have approached the
American founding period with an interest in the influence of
Enlightenment reason or Biblical religion, they have often assumed
such influences to be exclusive, irreconcilable, or contradictory.
Few scholarly works have sought to study the mutual influence of
reason and religion as intertwined strands shaping the American
historical and political experience at its founding. The purpose of
the chapters in this volume, authored by a distinguished group of
scholars in political science, intellectual history, literature,
and philosophy, is to examine how this mutual influence was made
manifest in the American Founding-especially in the writings,
speeches, and thought of critical figures (Thomas Paine, Benjamin
Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison,
Alexander Hamilton, Charles Carroll), and in later works by key
interpreters of the American Founding (Alexis de Tocqueville and
Abraham Lincoln). Taken as a whole, then, this volume does not
attempt to explain away the potential opposition between religion
and reason in the American mind of the late eighteenth- and early
nineteenth- centuries, but instead argues that there is a uniquely
American perspective and political thought that emerges from this
tension. The chapters gathered here, individually and collectively,
seek to illuminate the animating affect of this tension on the
political rhetoric, thought, and history of the early American
period. By taking seriously and exploring the mutual influence of
these two themes in creative tension, rather than seeing them as
diametrically opposed or as mutually exclusive, this volume thus
reveals how the pervasiveness and resonance of Biblical narratives
and religion supported and infused Enlightened political discourse
and action at the Founding, thereby articulating the
complementarity of reason and religion during this critical period.
Since the Financial Crisis of 2008, there has been and continues to
be a debate about the proper role of the free market in the United
States and beyond. On one side there are those who defend the free
market as a method to provide both wealth and democratic
legitimacy; while on the other side are thinkers who reject the
orthodoxy of the free market and call for a greater role of
government in society to correct its failures. But what is needed
in this debate is a return to the vantage point of the human
condition to better understand both the free market and our role in
it. The Free Market and the Human Condition explores what the human
condition can reveal to us about the free market its strengths, its
limits, and its weaknesses and, in turn, what the free market can
illuminate about the essence of the human condition. Because the
human condition is multifaceted, this book has adopted an
interdisciplinary approach, drawing upon the disciplines of
philosophy, theology, archeology, literature, sociology, political
science, criminal justice, and education. Since it is impossible
for one to know all aspects of the human condition, the book
consists of contributors who approach the topic from their
respective disciplines, thereby providing an accumulated picture of
the free market and the human condition. Although it does not claim
to provide a comprehensive account of the human condition as
situated in the free market, The Free Market and the Human
Condition transcends the current climate of debate about the free
market and provides a way forward in our understanding about the
role that free market plays in our society."
Both reason and religion have been acknowledged by scholars to have
had a profound impact on the foundation and formation of the
American regime. But the significance, pervasiveness, and depth of
that impact have also been disputed. While many have approached the
American founding period with an interest in the influence of
Enlightenment reason or Biblical religion, they have often assumed
such influences to be exclusive, irreconcilable, or contradictory.
Few scholarly works have sought to study the mutual influence of
reason and religion as intertwined strands shaping the American
historical and political experience at its founding. The purpose of
the chapters in this volume, authored by a distinguished group of
scholars in political science, intellectual history, literature,
and philosophy, is to examine how this mutual influence was made
manifest in the American Founding especially in the writings,
speeches, and thought of critical figures (Thomas Paine, Benjamin
Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison,
Alexander Hamilton, Charles Carroll), and in later works by key
interpreters of the American Founding (Alexis de Tocqueville and
Abraham Lincoln). Taken as a whole, then, this volume does not
attempt to explain away the potential opposition between religion
and reason in the American mind of the late eighteenth- and early
nineteenth- centuries, but instead argues that there is a uniquely
American perspective and political thought that emerges from this
tension. The chapters gathered here, individually and collectively,
seek to illuminate the animating affect of this tension on the
political rhetoric, thought, and history of the early American
period. By taking seriously and exploring the mutual influence of
these two themes in creative tension, rather than seeing them as
diametrically opposed or as mutually exclusive, this volume thus
reveals how the pervasiveness and resonance of Biblical narratives
and religion supported and infused Enlightened political discourse
and action at the Founding, thereby articulating the
complementarity of reason and religion during this critical period.
The recent economic crisis in the United States has highlighted a
crisis of understanding. In this volume, Bradley C. S. Watson and
Joseph Postell bring together some of America's most eminent
thinkers on political economy an increasingly overlooked field
wherein political ideas and economic theories mutually inform each
other. Only through a restoration of political economy can we
reconnect economics to the human good. Economics as a discipline
deals with the production and distribution of goods and services.
Yet the study of economics can-indeed must be employed in our
striving for the best possible political order and way of life.
Economic thinkers and political actors need once again to consider
how the Constitution and basic principles of our government might
give direction and discipline to our thinking about economic
theories, and to the economic policies we choose to implement. The
contributors are experts in economic history, and the history of
economic ideas. They address basic themes of political economy,
theoretical and practical: from the relationship between natural
law and economics, to how our Founding Fathers approached
economics, to questions of banking and monetary policy. Their
insights will serve as trusty guides to future generations, as well
as to our own."
Ever since Douglass Adair convincingly demonstrated that a love of
fame was central to the American founding, political scientists and
historians have started to view the founders and their acts in a
new light. In The Noblest Minds, ten distinguished scholars examine
this passion for fame and honor and demonstrate for the first time
its significance in the development of American democracy. The
first two-thirds of the book is devoted to essays on individual
founders, as the contributors consider the role of fame in the
lives and political characters of Washington, Franklin, Madison,
Jefferson, Hamilton, Adams, and Marshall. The remaining chapters
analyze the founders' theoretical accomplishment in reviving
political science, and explore the problem of honor in the modern
world. Political scientists and American historians alike will find
this book to be valuable and illuminating. What made the founding
generation of American statesmen so outstanding? To answer this
question, The Noblest Minds brings together a distinguished group
of historians and political scientists to evaluate a neglected but
compelling theory advanced nearly four decades ago by Douglass
Adair. Adair argued that it was the 'love of fame' that moved many
of the leading lights of the founding generation. Adair's thesis is
the starting point for a series of searching essays on the role of
fame in the lives of Adams, Franklin, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison,
Marshall, and Washington. These profiles also provide wide-ranging
historical and philosophical reflections on the question of fame.
What emerges from these essays is a more complex picture of the
founding generation than that presented by Adair. While
acknowledging the role of the love of fame, The Noblest Minds
argues for the influence of other concerns such as honor, virtue,
and the cause of liberty. This more complex picture of the founding
generation provides a unique and rewarding vantage point from which
to consider the question of 'character' in politics, which looms so
large in contemporary political debate. It illuminates the
differences between true fame and mere celebrity in such a way as
to point to considerations that transcend both. Political
scientists and American historians alike will find this book to be
valuable and illuminating.
How and why do economies and societies develop? How can America
maintain competitiveness in the global marketplace? What should be
the balance between economic and political goals in the conduct of
foreign policy? Questions concerning relations between politics and
economics are not new. Stepping back from current controversies,
McNamara shows how the debates between Smith and Hamilton on the
foundation of the commercial republic point to an important
juncture in the history of political thought. While remaining
scrupulously fair to Smith's sophisticated account of politics and
economics, McNamara brings out its limitations through a comparison
with the stateman Hamilton's words and deeds. He stresses that
Hamilton's reservations about Smithian political economy illustrate
critical practical questions regarding the nature of capitalist
economic development and call into question the relationship
between political theory and political practice as it was conceived
by Smith. Political Economy and Statesmanship has a number of
practical implications for contemporary debate. The author points
toward a kind of constitutional economics distinct from that of the
public choice school. McNamara suggests the need to revive the idea
of an "American System" that matches economic policy with the
political culture of the nation. Finally, the author affirms the
idea that the United States, as the first "new nation," can serve
as a model for developing nations.
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