In the Age of Democratic Revolution, countries on both sides of the Atlantic were linked together through trade networks, diplomatic ties, and social interactions. More importantly, however, they also shared a common revolutionary dynamic that oscillated back and forth across the ocean. Revolutionary Currents explores the global crosscurrents and revolutionary ideologies that inspired four great modern revolutions England's Glorious Revolution of 1688-89, the American Revolution of 1776, the French Revolution in 1789, and the Mexican Revolution in the early 1800s. Michael A. Morrison and Melinda S. Zook bring together noted historians to look at how each nation reshaped these revolutionary traditions, making them their own, and exported them once again. In examining each event, the contributors respond to the historiographical trends of revolutionary ideology, transatlantic cross-fertilzation of ideas, and nation-building. In assessing and analyzing the ideas, traditions, and nationalisms that inspired revolution and nation-building in the modern world, this book breaks new ground in the area of transatlantic history."

In the Age of Democratic Revolution, countries on both sides of the Atlantic were linked together through trade networks, diplomatic ties, and social interactions. More importantly, however, they also shared a common revolutionary dynamic that oscillated back and forth across the ocean. Revolutionary Currents explores the global crosscurrents and revolutionary ideologies that inspired four great modern revolutions-England's Glorious Revolution of 1688-89, the American Revolution of 1776, the French Revolution in 1789, and the Mexican Revolution in the early 1800s. Michael A. Morrison and Melinda S. Zook bring together noted historians to look at how each nation reshaped these revolutionary traditions, making them their own, and exported them once again. In examining each event, the contributors respond to the historiographical trends of revolutionary ideology, transatlantic cross-fertilzation of ideas, and nation-building. In assessing and analyzing the ideas, traditions, and nationalisms that inspired revolution and nation-building in the modern world, this book breaks new ground in the area of transatlantic history.

Thomas Jefferson is still presented today as an enigmatic figure, despite being written about more than any other Founding Father. Lauded as the most articulate voice of American freedom, even as he held people in bondage, Jefferson is variably described as a hypocrite, an atheist and a simple-minded proponent of limited government. Now, a Pulitzer Prize-winning historian and leading Jefferson scholar team up to present an absorbing and revealing character study that finally clarifies the philosophy of Jefferson. The authors explore what they call the "empire" of Jefferson's imagination-his expansive state of mind born of the intellectual influences and life experiences that led him into public life as a modern avatar of the enlightenment, who often likened himself to an ancient figure-"the most blessed of the patriarchs".

Thomas Jefferson is still presented today as an enigmatic figure, despite being written about more than any other Founding Father. Lauded as the most articulate voice of American freedom, even as he held people in bondage, Jefferson is variably described as a hypocrite, an atheist and a simple-minded proponent of limited government. Now, a Pulitzer Prize-winning historian and leading Jefferson scholar team up to present an absorbing and revealing character study that finally clarifies the philosophy of Jefferson. The authors explore what they call the "empire" of Jefferson's imagination-his expansive state of mind born of the intellectual influences and life experiences that led him into public life as a modern avatar of the enlightenment, who often likened himself to an ancient figure-"the most blessed of the patriarchs".

Even as Americans keep moving "all over the map" in the late twentieth century, they cherish memories of the places they come from. But where do these places--these regions--come from? What makes them so real? In this groundbreaking book a distinguished group of historians explores the concept of region in America, traces changes the idea has undergone in our national experience, and examines its meaning for Americans today.

Far from diminishing in importance, the authors conclude, regional differences continue to play a significant role in Americans' self-image. Regional identity, in fact, has always been fed by the very forces that many people think threaten its existence today: a central government, an aggressive economy, and connections with places beyond regional boundaries. Calling into question widely held notions about how Americans came to differ from one another and explaining why those differences continue to flourish, this iconoclastic study--by scholars with differing regional ties--will refresh and redirect the centuries-old discussion over Americans' conceptions of themselves.

George W. Bush and Al Gore were by no means the first presidential hopefuls to find themselves embroiled in a hotly contested electoral impasse. Two hundred years earlier, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams endured arguably the most controversial and consequential election in American history. Focusing on the wide range of possible outcomes of the 1800-1801 melee, this collection of essays situates the American "Revolution of 1800" in a broad context of geo-political and racial developments in the Atlantic world as a whole. In essays written expressly for this volume, leading historians of the period examine the electoral, social, and political outcome of Jefferson's election in discussions strikingly relevant in the aftermath of the 2000 election.

Contributors

Joyce Appleby, University of California, Los AngelesMichael Bellesiles, Emory UniversityJeanne Boydston, University of WisconsinSeth Cotlar, Willamette UniversityGregory Evans Dowd, University of Notre DameLaurent Dubois, Michigan State UniversityDouglas R. Egerton, Le Moyne College, SyracuseJoanne Freeman, Yale UniversityJames E. Lewis Jr., independent scholar Robert M. S. McDonald, United States Military Academy, West PointJames Oakes, City University of New York Graduate CenterJeffrey Pasley, University of Missouri, ColumbiaJack N. Rakove, Stanford UniversityBethel Saler, Haverford CollegeJames Sidbury, University of TexasAlan Taylor, University of California, Davis

"Cayton and Onuf have tried to recapture a central place for region in our thinking while, at the same time, incorporating into their analysis the latest scholarship on gender, political behavior, etc. Theirs is a fine blending of the old and the new: old scholarship and new directions." Malcolm J. Rohrbough

"This is an ambitious work that... truly beongs on the must do reading list of all midwestern and American historians." American Historical Review

..". an impressive interpretive work that will command the attention of regional historians and national scholars alike." Illinois Historical Journal

..". an excellent extended historiographic essay that seeks not only to locate the significance of the region created by the early land ordinance but also to raise issues for the historical examination of other regions of the country." South Dakota History

"What makes this book especially interesting and valuable is that it is informed by the post-modern scholar s view that knowledge can never be objective and eternally true; rather, it is subjective and socially constructed, shaped by the political, social, intellectual, and economic environments in which it is formed." Western Illinois Regional Studies

"The book s review of scholarship about the region is exhaustive, as well as brisk and lucid." American Studies International

..". a rigorous intellecutal analysis of the region s most important historiography." Gateway Heritage

..". an excellent book... " The Annals of Iowa

"What is impressive about this densely written work is the number of secondary works incorporated into the text and the importance of the authors' thesis of the considerable influence of happenings in the Midwest of the nineteenth century." North Dakota History

"There is... much to be praised in this book, and it will be frequently used and discussed by scholars of the early Midwest." Journal of American History"

Historians have emphasized the founding fathers' statesmanship and vision in the development of a more powerful union under the federal constitution. In "The Origins of the Federal Republic," Peter S. Onuf clarifies the founders' achievement by demonstrating with case studies of New York, Pennsylvania, Vermont, and Virginia that territorial confrontations among the former colonies played a crucial role in shaping early concepts of statehood and union and provided the true basis of the American federalist system.

The essays in Empire and Nation challenge facile assumptions about the "exceptional" character of the republic's founding moment, even as they invite readers to think anew about the complex ways in which the Revolution reshaped both American society and the Atlantic world. How did events and ideas from elsewhere in the British empire influence development in the thirteen American colonies? And what was the effect of the American Revolution on the wider Atlantic world? In Empire and Nation, leading historians reconsider the American Revolution as a transnational event, with many sources and momentous implications for Ireland, Africa, the West Indies, Canada, and Britain itself. The opening section of the book situates the origins of the American Revolution in the commercial, ethnic, and political ferment that characterized Britain's Atlantic empire at the close of the Seven Years' War. The empire experienced extraordinary changes, ranging from the first stirrings of nationalism in Ireland to the dramatic expansion of British rule in Canada, Africa, and India. The second part focuses on the rebellion of the thirteen colonies, touching on slavery and ethnicity, the changing nature of religious faith, and ideas about civil society and political organization. Finally, contributors examine the changes wrought by the American Revolution both within Britain's remaining imperial possessions and among the other states in the emerging "concert of Europe."

This new edition of Statehood and Union: A History of the Northwest Ordinance, originally published in 1987, is an authoritative account of the origins and early history of American policy for territorial government, land distribution, and the admission of new states in the Old Northwest. In a new preface, Peter S. Onuf reviews important new work on the progress of colonization and territorial expansion in the rising American empire.

This new edition of Statehood and Union: A History of the Northwest Ordinance, originally published in 1987, is an authoritative account of the origins and early history of American policy for territorial government, land distribution, and the admission of new states in the Old Northwest. In a new preface, Peter S. Onuf reviews important new work on the progress of colonization and territorial expansion in the rising American empire.

Thomas Jefferson read Latin and Greek authors throughout his life and wrote movingly about his love of the ancient texts, which he thought should be at the core of America's curriculum. Yet at the same time, Jefferson warned his countrymen not to look to the ancient world for modern lessons and deplored many of the ways his peers used classical authors to address contemporary questions. As a result, the contribution of the ancient world to the thought of America's most classically educated Founding Father remains difficult to assess.

This volume brings together historians of political thought with classicists and historians of art and culture to find new approaches to the difficult questions raised by America's classical heritage. The essays explore the classical contribution to different aspects of Jefferson's thought and taste, as well as examining the significance of the ancient world to America in a broader historical context. The diverse interests and methodologies of the contributors suggest new ways of approaching one of the most prominent and contested of the traditions that helped create America's revolutionary republicanism.

"Contributors" Gordon S. Wood, Brown University * Peter S. Onuf, University of Virginia * Michael P. Zuckert, University of Notre Dame * Caroline Winterer, Stanford University * Richard Guy Wilson, University of Virginia * Maurie D. McInnis, University of Virginia * Nicholas P. Cole, University of Oxford * Peter Thompson, University of Oxford * Eran Shalev, Haifa University * Paul A. Rahe, Hillsdale College * Jennifer T. Roberts, City University of New York, Graduate Center * Andrew Jackson O'Shaughnessy, University of Virginia

Our perception of life at Monticello has changed dramatically over the past quarter century. The image of an estate presided over by a benevolent Thomas Jefferson has given way to a more complex view of Monticello as a working plantation, the success of which was made possible by the work of slaves. At the center of this transition has been the work of Lucia """"Cinder"""" Stanton, recognized as the leading interpreter of Jefferson's life as a planter and master and of the lives of his slaves and their descendants. This volume represents the first attempt to pull together Stanton's most important writings on slavery at Monticello and beyond. Stanton's pioneering work revealed Jefferson's psychology in crucial ways, deepening our understanding of him without demonizing him. Perhaps even more important is the light her writings have shed on the lives of the slaves at Monticello. Her detailed reconstruction for modern readers of the life of the slave is more than vivid; it reveals an active role in the creation of Monticello and a dynamic community previously unimagined. The essays collected here address Jefferson and the lives of his slaves from a rich variety of perspectives, from family histories (including the Hemingses) to the temporary slave community at Jefferson's White House to stories of former slaves' lives after Monticello. Each piece is characterized by Stanton's deep knowledge of her subject and by her determination to do justice to both Jefferson and his slaves. Preparation of this volume has been supported by the Thomas Jefferson Foundation.

George W. Bush and Al Gore were by no means the first presidential hopefuls to find themselves embroiled in a hotly contested electoral impasse. Two hundred years earlier, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams endured arguably the most controversial and consequential election in American history. Focusing on the wide range of possible outcomes of the 1800-1801 melee, this collection of essays situates the American "Revolution of 1800" in a broad context of geo-political and racial developments in the Atlantic world as a whole. In essays written expressly for this volume, leading historians of the period examine the electoral, social, and political outcome of Jefferson's election in discussions strikingly relevant in the aftermath of the 2000 election.

Contributors

Joyce Appleby, University of California, Los AngelesMichael Bellesiles, Emory UniversityJeanne Boydston, University of WisconsinSeth Cotlar, Willamette UniversityGregory Evans Dowd, University of Notre DameLaurent Dubois, Michigan State UniversityDouglas R. Egerton, Le Moyne College, SyracuseJoanne Freeman, Yale UniversityJames E. Lewis Jr., independent scholar Robert M. S. McDonald, United States Military Academy, West PointJames Oakes, City University of New York Graduate CenterJeffrey Pasley, University of Missouri, ColumbiaJack N. Rakove, Stanford UniversityBethel Saler, Haverford CollegeJames Sidbury, University of TexasAlan Taylor, University of California, Davis

Thomas Jefferson believed that the American revolution was a transformative moment in the history of political civilization. He hoped that his own efforts as a founding statesman and theorist would help construct a progressive and enlightened order for the new American nation that would be a model and inspiration for the world. Peter S. Onuf's new book traces Jefferson's vision of the American future to its roots in his idealized notions of nationhood and empire. Onuf's unsettling recognition that Jefferson's famed egalitarianism was elaborated in an imperial context yields strikingly original interpretations of our national identity and our ideas of race, of westward expansion and the Civil War, and of American global dominance in the twentieth century.

Jefferson's vision of an American "empire for liberty" was modeled on a British prototype. But as a consensual union of self-governing republics without a metropolis, Jefferson's American empire would be free of exploitation by a corrupt imperial ruling class. It would avoid the cycle of war and destruction that had characterized the European balance of power.

The Civil War cast in high relief the tragic limitations of Jefferson's political vision. After the Union victory, as the reconstructed nation-state developed into a world power, dreams of the United States as an ever-expanding empire of peacefully coexisting states quickly faded from memory. Yet even as the antebellum federal union disintegrated, a Jeffersonian nationalism, proudly conscious of America's historic revolution against imperial domination, grew up in its place.

In Onuf's view, Jefferson's quest to define a new American identity also shaped his ambivalent conceptions of slavery and Native American rights. His revolutionary fervor led him to see Indians as "merciless savages" who ravaged the frontiers at the British king's direction, but when those frontiers were pacified, a more benevolent Jefferson encouraged these same Indians to embrace republican values. African American slaves, by contrast, constituted an unassimilable captive nation, unjustly wrenched from its African homeland. His great panacea: colonization.

Jefferson's ideas about race reveal the limitations of his conception of American nationhood. Yet, as Onuf strikingly documents, Jefferson's vision of a republican empire--a regime of peace, prosperity, and union without coercion--continues to define and expand the boundaries of American national identity.

On the occasion of Thomas Jefferson's 250th birthday, a number of today's leading historicans take a fresh look at our third president, architect of democracy for his time and still for ours. Jeffersonian Legacies reconstructs the worlds Thomas Jefferson created for himself and envisioned for his countrymen.

The authors consider Jefferson's career as a slave owner, his ambigious and controversial testimony on the institution of slavery, and his significance for the civil rights movement and contemporary race relations. Jeffersonian Legacies provides the next generation of students, scholars, and citizens a better understanding not only of Jefferson in his own world but also his influence in the shaping of ours.

From the onset of the Revolution in 1776 to the inauguration of the federal government in 1789, the American political culture was transformed. The movement for an effective continental republic is here linked to the groundswell for development and economic freedom set off by the Revolution. A Union of Interests reconstructs the discourse of American federalism, a discourse grounded in the debate over the role of government in the regulation of the economy.

Cathy Matson and Peter Onuf integrate analyses of economic ideas and interests with many of the critical problems facing the union after the war--such as jurisdictional disputes, threats of secession, and new prospects for frontier settlement. The revolutionary ideology that had justified the creation of sovereign states under the Articles of Confederation seemed increasingly "artificial" in light of the pressing need to create a "natural," extended republic that would be truer to the changing circumstances of the American people. The authors demonstrate that the movement for the Constitution drew upon increasingly popular political-economic ideas that sought to reconcile the apparent conflicts between a national interest and the "enlightened" self-interest of citizens. A pivotal chapter argues that the Constitutional Convention was itself both a product of this broad public discussion about America's future and a contribution to it in which the founders debated the limits to which they should compromise their distinct goals to fit this emerging vision.