Adds significant new facts to these TUEL years and their import. More on the miners, Ladies' Garment workers, Fur workers, Amalgameted Clothing, Auto, Textile, Maritime and Agricultural workers; Labor and Fascism; Sacco-Vanzetti frameup; Black Workers; American T.U. delegation to Soviet Union; Changes in trade union policy.

Our Own Time retells the history of American labor by focusing on the politics of time and the movements for a shorter working day. It argues that the length of the working day has been the central issue for the American labor movement during its most vigorous periods of activity, uniting workers along lines of craft, gender and ethnicity. The authors hold that the workweek is likely again to take on increased significance as workers face the choice between a society based on free time and one based on alienated work and employment.

Here are Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale, Eldridge Cleaver, David Hilliard and Fred Hampton, along with Kathleen Cleaver and other Panther women. They tell of the party's court battles and acquittals; its positions on black separatism, the power structure, the police, violence and education; as well as songs, poems and political cartoons. This is the real story of The Black Panthers. The book provides a behind-the-scenes look at the Black Panther Party, without media or political input. Black Panthers Speak allows readers to judge the movement for themselves.

Henry Ford's $5 day; strikes in Arizona mines, Youngstown OH; Bayonne NJ; NY City Transit strike, 1916; Garment workers; Women workers; RR workers and the 8-hour day; Black workers on the eve of WWI, and more.

The legend of IWW activist and songwriter Joe Hill, brought to life through his letters, songs and writings. Radical songwriter and organiser Joe Hill was murdered by the capitalist state in 1915, but his songs continue to inspire working-class activists and musicians. In The Letters of Joe Hill, assembled by radical historian Philip Foner with new material by Alexis Buss, readers are provided a window into the political reflections and personal struggles behind Hill's legend.

This is a new release of the original 1945 edition.

Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

Vol. 5 (Supplement) 1844-1860 Edited by Philip S. Foner. Writings and speeches discovered since the publication of the original 4 volumes;

Writings on educational theory, pedagogy, and the relationship between education and popular democracy.

Using documents drawn from newspapers, magazines, and books, this volume provides a documentary history of the relationships between labor and abolitionists from the early 1830s to the Civil War. It includes newspaper articles from mainstream dailies as well as from abolitionist journals and the labor press. The voices heard from include prominent abolitionist leaders, grass roots activists, representatives of the labor movement, land reformers, and utopian advocates of universal reform. The book shows labor's response to such critical episodes as the 1831 Nat Turner Revolt, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, John Brown's execution, and the election of Abraham Lincoln.

Themes covered include the contrast between wage labor and chattel slavery, the abolitionists' outreach to white labor, the views of reformers who held that a universal solution to the labor question took priority over abolition, the varying responses of labor activists to the slavery question, and labor's growing role in the 1850s as a constituent in an antislavery coalition. At the same time, the book notes the continued presence of racism and specific instances of friction between white and black workers, as in the explosive violence of the 1863 New York City Draft Riot.

Drawing from a broad range of articles, speeches, short stories, pamphlets, sermons, debates, laws, public statements, Supreme Court decisions and conventions, this documentary history demonstrates the persistence of a humanist, if not an anti-racist, pulse in American society in the face of discriminatory government policy and prevalent anti-Asian ideology and treatment. Focusing on support for the rights of Japanese and Chinese immigrants and their descendants, the book traces a 130-year period, culminating with the governmental redress for survivors of the Japanese evacuation and internment during WWII. Foner and Rosenberg highlight expressions from the clergy, the labor movement, the abolitionists, and public figures such as Wendell Phillips, Charles Sumner, Frederick Douglass, Mark Twain, John Stuart Mill, Norman Thomas and Carey McWilliams. It includes material never before published showing Black support for Asian rights and demonstrates the consistency of the Industrial Worker of the World's solidarity with Chinese and Japanese-American workers. It is also the first work to give serious treatment to clergymen's efforts against anti-Asian discrimination.

After the introduction, Foner discusses law and dissent. The next four sections are devoted to statements by public figures, the views of the clergy, the labor movement and African-Americans. The final section covers relocation and protest. The book provides a valuable contribution to the debates on American dissent in general and against racism in particular, the meaning of American nationality, the criminality of the evacuation and internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II and the immigration policies of the United States government.

Our Own Time provides the first full account of the movement to shorten the working day in the United States. Combining the narrative and trade union emphasis of traditional labor history with the focus on culture and the labor process characteristic of contemporary labor history, the book offers an illuminating reinterpretation of the history of the U.S. labor movement from the colonial period onward. The authors argue that the length of the working day or week historically has been the central issue raised by the American labor movement during its most vigorous periods of organization. Beginning with a picture of working hours in colonial America and the early republic, Roediger and Foner then analyze the ideology of the movement for a ten-hour workday in the early nineteenth century. They demonstrate that the ten-hour issue was a key to the dynamism of the Jacksonian labor movement as well as to the unity of male artisans and female factory workers in the 1840s. The authors proceed to examine the subsequent demands for an eight-hour day, which helped to produce the mass labor struggles of the late nineteenth century and established the American Federation of Labor as the dominant force in American trade unionism. Chapters on labor movement defeats following World War I, on the depression years, and on the lack of progress over the last half-century complete the study. Our Own Time will be an ideal supplemental text for courses in U.S. labor and economic history.

This is history as it should be written: massive research and thorough documentation producing a story that tells itself. Recommended for academic history, labor, and Latin American studies collections. "Choice"

Foner's book is primarily valuable as a documentary record. It pays meticulous attention to the labour and socialist press of the time. . . . A] worthy source of information. "Latin America ConnexionS"

This noted historian writes in his fluid style about the sometimes contradictory positions taken by the labor unions and socialists in response to American intervention in Central America (long before today's Contras), from the Mexican War of 1846 to the founding of the Pan-American Federation of Labor in 1918.

Against a pre-Civil War backdrop of violence and antagonism, three courageous women, in different parts of the country, undertook to teach black children. Prudence Crandall, Margaret Douglass, and Myrtilla Miner lived, respectively, in Connecticut, Virginia, and Washington, D.C.: they each found that racial prejudice is not limited by geography and that people will go to great lengths to prevent the teaching of blacks. Of the three schools they established, only one--in the nation's capitol--proved more or less permanent, but all three had a significant impact on American life. Because they chose to teach black children, Miner, Douglass, and Crandall all endured persecution and hardship. Foner and Pacheco's important biographical study portrays three women of unusual courage who deserve to take their places with the many brave women of nineteenth-century America.