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This book, first published in 1983, examines the role that arms
control has to play, alongside defence and deterrence, in
stabilising East-West relations and reducing tensions during the
Cold War. Arms control agreements were designed in the attempt to
achieve parity between the nuclear forces of the superpowers,
without making war more likely. A danger of confrontation between
the USSR and the USA came from their involvement in Third World
conflicts, and this arena is also discussed. The diplomatic
approaches of the Soviet Union, the Third World and the West, and
their aims in arms control, are also analysed.
This book, first published in 1982, addresses the problem of
assessing the central and regional balance of power. The collection
of essays by experts on the different countries looks at the
miscalculations about the military power of foreign countries which
have been made in the past and the difficulties which have to be
overcome today before we can reach a correct estimate of the power
of other states.
In this book, some of Philip Towle's major contributions are
brought together to shed light on the Cold War and its aftermath.
Topics include the build-up of chemical and nuclear weapons, the
attack on New York's World Trade Center in 2001, intervention in
overseas conflicts and the role of the Church. The first section
concentrates on the ways in which the West has interfered in
conflicts around the world from the Vietnam War to Bosnia,
Afghanistan and Iraq, and explains why intervention worked in
former Yugoslavia but not in countries such as Vietnam, Afghanistan
or Libya. The second section focuses on arms control and
disarmament, how they were linked to intervention - particularly
through the fear of terrorism - and how and why some arms control
measures succeeded, and some did not. Intervention and Disarmament:
In a Culturally Diverse World is useful for postgraduates and
scholars interested in international affairs and warfare in the
modern world.
This book, first published in 1982, addresses the problem of
assessing the central and regional balance of power. The collection
of essays by experts on the different countries looks at the
miscalculations about the military power of foreign countries which
have been made in the past and the difficulties which have to be
overcome today before we can reach a correct estimate of the power
of other states.
This book, first published in 1983, examines the role that arms
control has to play, alongside defence and deterrence, in
stabilising East-West relations and reducing tensions during the
Cold War. Arms control agreements were designed in the attempt to
achieve parity between the nuclear forces of the superpowers,
without making war more likely. A danger of confrontation between
the USSR and the USA came from their involvement in Third World
conflicts, and this arena is also discussed. The diplomatic
approaches of the Soviet Union, the Third World and the West, and
their aims in arms control, are also analysed.
Democracy and Peace Making is an invaluable and up-to-date account
of the process of peace making, which draws on the most recent
historical thinking. It surveys the post-war peace settlements of
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including: * the Vienna
congress of 1815 * the Treaty of Versailles * the peace settlements
of the Second World War * peace talks after the Korean War * the
Paris Peace Accords of 1973.
Democracy and Peace Making is an invaluable and up-to-date account
of the process of peace making, which draws on the most recent
historical thinking. It surveys the post-war peace settlements of
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including:
* the Vienna congress of 1815
* the Treaty of Versailles
* the peace settlements of the Second World War
* peace talks after the Korean War
* the Paris Peace Accords of 1973.
This book argues that popular culture has been transformed in a
silent revolution from emphasising history's heroes to its victims.
While city squares and stations were named in the nineteenth
century after military victories, now the equivalent airports are
named after the victims of violence. Where war reports used to
focus on the leadership of the generals and the bravery of the
troops, now they are mostly about casualties, refugees and
destruction. History, Empathy and Conflict examines the diplomatic
consequences of such a revolution in sensibility. Many governments
have responded by apologising for their country's historic actions.
History teaching in schools has sometimes been revised to reflect
the new emphasis and to build confidence between nations and
respect for domestic minorities. Not least of the reasons for these
changes is the difficulty or impossibility of making restitution
for past wrongs. But history can also be used by the media and
governments to justify intervention to protect victims of civil
wars only to come to be seen as victimisers themselves. The past is
always difficult to interpret but is the basis of all our decisions
and all institutions try to twist it to their own convenience.
Sympathy with history's victims is a great moral advance but it can
be used by dissatisfied nations to justify their revisionist
policies and with the election of President Trump in 2016, all the
Great Powers claim to be history's victims.
During World War II the Japanese were stereotyped in the European
imagination as fanatical, cruel, almost inhuman - an image
reflected in most books and films about prisoner of war in the Far
East. While the Japanese cetainly treated those they captured
badly, behaving far worse to Chinese and native captives than to
Europeans, the conventional view of the Japanese is unhistorical
and simplistic. It fails to recognize that hte Japanese were acting
at a time of supreme national crisis trial, at a particular period
of their history, and that their attitudes were influenced by a
combination of their perception of their own racial identity mixed
with a powerful historical tradition. This collection of essays, by
both western and Japanese scholars, aims to see the question from a
historical viewpoint, and from both a western and Japanese
perspective, looking at it in the light of both longer-term
influences, notably the Japanese attempt to establish themselves as
an honorary white race. The essays also examine particular
instances. Conditions in the almost self-run camp at Changi
contrasted remarkably with those on the Burma Railway, where
disease and a failure to provide supplies caused terrible
suffering. The book also addresses the other side of the question,
looking at the treatment of Japanese prisoners in Allied captivity.
The British defence industry is facing greater problems and a more
uncertain future than at any time since the 1920s. This concise and
accessible title presents an overview of the challenges facing the
defence industry and provides a robust and level-headed look at the
complicated moral issues thrown up by the arms trade.
After the horrors of World War II in Asia - not least the
systematic appalling mistreatment of Allied prisoners-of-war by the
Japanese military - few would have predicted that Britain's
relationship with Japan would flourish into a booming partnership
of economic interdependence by the start of the twenty-first
century. This ambitious examination of Anglo-Japanese relations
over the course of the 20th century charts the fascinating history
of how both nations overcame many years of prejudice and bitter
conflict to form a bond fused by financial, political and military
cooperation. In the 1930s, many Japanese became convinced that
their exports were being kept out of India by British tariffs and
it was not until the 1980s that the British government fully
accepted the futility of any protectionist impulse and encouraged
Japanese companies to invest in Britain. Today, each country not
only assists the other economically but also no longer blames the
other for its own domestic problems. "Britain and Japan in the
Twentieth Century" elucidates how both nations have struggled to
achieve stability and harmony in their relations with each other in
the face of contrasting cultural identities.
Enforced disarmament has often been ignored by historians,
diplomats, and strategic analaysts. Yet the democracies have
imposed some measure of disarmament on their enemies after every
major victory since 1815. In many cases, forced disarmament was one
of the most important, if not the most important, of their war
aims. The demilitarization of Germany and Japan, for example, was
one of the most significant post-war measures agreed by the Soviet
Union, Britain, and the USA in 1945, whilst the debate on the
disarmament measures imposed on Iraq after the Gulf War continues
to rage. The efficacy and durability of enforced disarmament
measures, and the resistance they are likely to encounter are thus
issues of central strategic and political importance. Philip Towle
examines the most important peace settlements from the time of
Napoleon to Saddam Hussein, in the first major history of this
fascinating subject.
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