The aim of this book, first published in the 1980s, is to set out the logic, implications and applications of toleration. It offers an analysis of the philosophy of toleration, constructs a history of toleration as a series of negations of specific intolerances, details the place of "procedural scepticism" in the determination of truth and falsity," and explores the relevance of tolerance to justice and to equality in plural democratic states.
This new edition seeks to clarify key points. It reviews and confirms toleration conceived as a negation of intolerances. It reviews and confirms the coherence of embedding "procedural scepticism" in "ideational tolerance." It returns to the discussion of toleration as a value. King has elsewhere moved increasingly towards the view that "tolerance" in a dramatically unequal world, may be more apt than "liberty," and that "friendship" may rightly trump over "power."
But the most important concern of this new edition is to affirm the continuing importance of distinguishing between the logical analysis of the construct and moral commitment to it. While there is a morality plainly implicit in this work, its approach is primarily analytical.

Thomas Hobbes is arguably one of the greatest of all English philosophers. In the second half of the 20th century, he has been subject to sustained critical attention. He was capable of powerful argument on virtually any plane, whether logical, scriptural or historical. And he has attracted attention in all these areas and more - to do with questions of historical method, language and linguistics, metaphysics, ethics, law, politics, science and religion. Hobbes has been attended to from a great variety of perspectives - as an ethical positivist and a deontologist, as a bourgeois advocate and a supporter of the aristocracy, as an absolutist and a proponent of parliamentary government, as a "conservative" and a "modern", as an atheist and a believer. The periodical literature on Hobbes is accordingly varied, but it is also difficult to access. The four volumes of these critical assessments conveniently assemble an important array of material. This ready availability should prove helpful to all students of Hobbes.

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A school of thought traceable to the political writings of Bodin and Hobbes believes that "order" is the cardinal principle which takes precedence over "justice" - which is reduced to conformity. The main concern of this book is to analyse this tradition through study of its progenitors.

A new collection of philosophical biographies of key figures in Black Southern American social and political thought Frederick Douglass, Booker Washington and Ida Wells. Thurgood Marshall and Martin King are focused upon, together with Howard Thurman, Richard Wright, Fred Gray and Barbara Jordan. All are important in various ways to the movements this book seeks out. From the perspective of liberation, the two high points in the African-American Odyssey are marked by Emancipation in the nineteenth century and Desegregation in the twentieth. Douglass bestriding the first, King and Marshall the second. The thread of resistance runs through most of these philosophical profiles, and the thread of non-violence, with greater or less force, also runs throughout. This volume assumes a distinction between (a) an earlier period when Afro-America was more cohesive and collectively committed to self-improvement despite the odds, and (b) the contemporary period, beyond desegregation, marked by rates never previously rivaled of suicide, joblessness, imprisonment, despair and alienation, especially among black poor. The life stories and philosophies presented here make fascinating reading. This book is a Special Issue of the leading journal, Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.

In antiquity, it was not only Aristotle who assumed the people are more to be understood in relation to one another than as individual or solitary constructs. Friendship was vital to figures wuch as Aristotle, Plato and Socrates, because it supplied the tpe of bonding or fellowship without which they supposed no society could survive - a person ufil for communal life, for Aristotle, must be either a beast or a god.

The history of politics can be represented as a series of demands for change followed in each case by a call for order and vice versa. Although a simplification, this pattern is reflected in political philosophy which helps both to record and, on occasion, to accelerate these alternate demands for liberty and authority.

This is a collection of Professor Preston King's essays on the history of ideas. The title invokes the embeddedness of the past in, and the sly complexity of, what we call altogether too summarily the present. These essays are united by a persistent concern with the philosophy of history, especially the history of ideas. They all emerge from an early view by King of the interpretation of past and present. This was a view in turn complemented and contradicted by those from whom King learnt most, located in or around the London School of Economics: Michael Oakeshott, Karl Popper and Isaiah Berlin. The author's concern, above all else, is to demonstrate the incoherence, even absurdity of the notion that the past can have nothing to teach us - whether mounted by those who argue that history is unique or that it is merely contextual.

In this collection, contributors discuss a central theme which is both theoretical and practical - the role of the state in achieving social justice in modern market systems from a socialist perspective. They reject the cult of choice and of rational egoism.

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Martin Hollis (d.1998) was arguably the most incisive, eloquent and witty philosopher of the social sciences of his time. His work is appreciated and contested here by some of the most eminent of contemporary social theorists. Hollis's philosophy of social action routinely distinguished between understanding (rational) and explanation (causal). He argued that the aptest account of human interaction was to be made in terms of the first. Thus he focused upon the human reasons, for, rather than upon the natural causes of, action.
This volume, for the first time, brings together important essays on the work of Hollis, from many different perspectives. These include politics, sociology and economics in general; international relations, rational choice theory, constitutionalism and the rule of law as well as current concerns with relativism, Rousseauist contractarianism, 'dirty hands' and 'buck-passing'.

This volume was compiled in 1968 to honour the retirement of the eminent political philosopher Professor Michael Oakeshott. Professor Oakeshott, widely regarded as one of the most important conservative intellectuals of the twentieth century, understood the need for political philosophy to conceive experience as a whole, and accordingly sought to address politics both historically and rationally. These essays engage with the common concerns of his major works, opportunistically exploring the ideas of this great thinker further. Moreover, they are a reflection of the contributors' academic interests, variously discussing tradition, the nature of political philosophy, ideology, revolution, education, history and rationalism. As the essays contained within are separate investigations of Oakeshott's ideas, they can be enjoyed both in and out of sequence. This volume will be of value to anyone with an appreciation of political philosophy and its history, and indeed, with an interest in the ideas of Professor Oakeshott himself.

This is a collection of Professor Preston King's essays on the history of ideas. The title invokes the embeddedness of the past in, and the sly complexity of, what we call altogether too summarily the present. These essays are united by a persistent concern with the philosophy of history, especially the history of ideas. They all emerge from an early view by King of the interpretation of past and present. This was a view in turn complemented and contradicted by those from whom King learnt most, located in or around the London School of Economics: Michael Oakeshott, Karl Popper and Isaiah Berlin. The author's concern, above all else, is to demonstrate the incoherence, even absurdity of the notion that the past can have nothing to teach us - whether mounted by those who argue that history is unique or that it is merely contextual.

Previously published as a special issue of the Critical Review of Social and Political Philosophy, this volume throws light on the place of friendship in politics by connecting theoretical questions to empirical answers. Today, friendship and politics are most commonly viewed as distinct and mutually opposed concerns. Politics tends to be seen as general and impersonal, to do with power and hierarchy. Friendship, by contrast, is conceived as particular and intimate, relating to equality and fraternity. Ancient Greek and Roman thought tended to bring the two together, locating friendship as the moral foundation of the political. But is this view sound? Ought not Friendship to be dismissed by moderns as primitive, inefficient, nepotistic (Freud)? Or ought it to be promoted as a vital moral constraint on power and the consuming egotism of rulers (Plutarch and others)? The contributors seek to answer these questions, directly and indirectly, by supplying: analyses of the concept critical reconstructions of some crucial modern accounts (Kierkegaard, Arendt and Schmitt) concrete accounts of the actual play of friendship both within and between states.

This book contains a succession of philosophical biographies. The subjects, located in the period 1850-2000, and even if later exiled, were chosen by virtue of birth and life in the American South on the assumption of the distinctiveness of Southern conditions. The 'foundational' figures in Black Southern social and political thought are represented as Frederick Douglass, Booker Washington and Ida Wells. Thurgood Marshall adn Martin King are viewed as 'indispensable', though not 'foundational'. The remaining figures - Howard Thurman, Richard Wright, Fred Gray and Barbara Jordan - are important in various ways and are seen as 'illustrative'. From the perspective of liberation, the two high points in the African-American Odyssey are marked by Emancipation in the nineteenth century and Desegregation in the twentieth. Douglass bestriding the first, King and Marshall the second. resistance runs through most (but not Washington); and the thread of non-violence, with greater or less force, also runs through most (but not Wright). This volume assumes a distinction between (a) an earlier period when Afro-America was more cohesive and collectively committed to self-improvement despite the odds, and (b) the contemporary period, beyond desegregation, marked by rates never previously rivaled of suicide, joblessness, imprisonment, despair and alienation, especially among black poor. The life stories and philosophies presented here are adjuncts to that earlier period; a volume properly reflecting the second is still to be rolled into place. and Political Philosophy.