A unique examination of why the quest for global free trade often forgets that trade liberalization is organized regionally rather than multilaterally. There are now more than 250 regional integration initiatives and this number is steadily increasing. This trend raises a key question: What is the impact of regional integration, both for the countries involved and for those excluded from regional integration schemes? Using a combined economic, political science and scientific approach, this book explores how regional integration can be measured and evaluated and delivers comprehensive answers. It looks at the methodological problems involved in designing monitoring tools for regional integration in a systematic way and makes a number of concrete suggestions for designing and organising systems of indicators of regional integration. It also offers a critical overview of available indicators and tools and presents crucial new monitoring instruments. This book will be of great interest to students and researchers of international relations and economics as well as policy makers and professionals within international and regional organizations.

We are now in the era of the G8, although the G7 still exists as a grouping for Finance Ministers. Why do G7 finance ministries and central banks co-operate? What are the implications of this co-operation for US power and the abilities of the other six states to exercise leadership? What role do the G7 play in global financial governance? How much authority do they possess and how is that authority exercised?
This is the first major monograph on the political economy of G7 finance ministry and central bank co-operation. It argues that to understand the contribution of the G7 to global financial governance it is necessary to locate the process in the context of a wider world financial order comprised of decentralized globalization. It also provides original case study material on the G7's contribution to macroeconomic governance and to debates on the global financial architecture over the last decade. It assesses the G7's role in producing a system of global financial governance based on market supremacy and technocratic transgovernmental consensus and articulates normative criticisms of the G7's exclusivity.
For researchers in the fields of IR/IPE generally, postgraduate students in the field of international organization and global governance, policy makers and financial journalists this is the most extensive analysis of the G7 and the political economy of global financial governance to date.

This new collection of essays compares the development of central institutions of governance in the emerging democracies of East and South East Asia.

Seven key countries are covered: Taiwan, Korea, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines. Save for Singapore and Malaysia, all have democratized over the past decade. Because of its constitutive implications for citizen identities, democratization is arguably of even greater potential significance than the economic take-off that preceded it.

But there are distinctive features that give the experience of these seven states especial relevance. First, unlike analogous western patterns, democratic transitions in Asia have been top-down in character. Second, the implementation of basic democratic forms was highly compressed in time. Third there were (and are), in most countries, no major ideological or programmatic cleavages. Thus the bases around which contending political forces might organize are not immediately clear. This may affect the outlook for partisanship and mobilization. There has been no synoptic, comparative study of these developments on a region-wide scale. This book fills the gap extremely well.

This new collection of essays explores comparatively the development of central institutions of governance in the emerging democracies of East and South East Asia.
Seven key countries are covered: Taiwan, Korea, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines. Save for Singapore and Malaysia, all have democratized over the past decade. Because of its constitutive implications for citizen identities, democratization is arguably of even greater potential significance than the economic take-off that preceded it.
But there are distinctive features that give the experience of these seven states especial relevance. First, unlike analogous western patterns, democratic transitions in Asia have been top-down in character. Second, the implementation of basic democratic forms was highly compressed in time. Third there were (and are), in most countries, no major ideological or programmatic cleavages. Thus the bases around which contending political forces might organize are not immediately clear. This may affect the outlook for partisanship and mobilization. There has been no synoptic, comparative study of these developments on a region-wide scale. This book fills the gap extremely well.

What is the impact of regional integration for different countries and how can it be measured? Using an interdisciplinary approach, this book explores how regional integration can be quantified, evaluated and monitored.
In today's globalizing world there is growing tension between the quest for global free trade and the fact that trade liberalization is frequently organized regionally rather than multilaterally. This book investigates the methodological problems involved in designing monitoring tools for regional integration, and makes suggestions for designing and organizing systems of indicators of regional integration. The volume is organized into three sections:
- Part one discusses general theoretical and methodological aspects of building indicator systems.
- Part two focuses on the measurement of regional economic integration and interdependence.
- Part three explore the possibilities for monitoring political integration, regional governance and conflict.
The book will be of interest to students and researchers of international relations and economics as well as policy makers and professionals within international and regional organizations.

We are now in the era of the G8, although the G7 still exists as a grouping for Finance Ministers. Why do G7 finance ministries and central banks co-operate? What are the implications of this co-operation for US power and the abilities of the other six states to exercise leadership? What role do the G7 play in global financial governance? How much authority do they possess and how is that authority exercised? This is the first major monograph on the political economy of G7 finance ministry and central bank co-operation. It argues that to understand the contribution of the G7 to global financial governance it is necessary to locate the process in the context of a wider world financial order comprised of decentralized globalization. It also provides original case study material on the G7's contribution to macroeconomic governance and to debates on the global financial architecture over the last decade. It assesses the G7's role in producing a system of global financial governance based on market supremacy and technocratic transgovernmental consensus and articulates normative criticisms of the G7's exclusivity. For researchers in the fields of IR/IPE generally, postgraduate students in the field of international organization and global governance, policy makers and financial journalists this is the most extensive analysis of the G7 and the political economy of global financial governance to date.