Birds of Nabaa is a tale of physical and spiritual journeys, beginning in Nabaa, a remote Mauritanian village, whose herds lead the community according to their own inscrutable instincts, to life in Madrid, the Gulf states and Guinea, where the narrator's work as an embassy accountant takes him, and to Mauritania's capital Nouakchott. Inspired by the Sahara of his childhood and devoted from an early age to the vagabond life of the pre-Islamic poets, the narrator's constant life on the move in search of the inner stillness known only to desert dwellers leads him back always to the music, song and poetry so much a part of Mauritanian life and the spiritual universe of Sufism. The mix of diverse characters joining him includes Teresa, his Brazilian neighbour in Madrid whom he taught to make tea the Mauritanian way; Rajab the inspiring teacher in a blue face veil; Hussein the poet; Mariam, a postman between the living and the dead via cowrie shell readings; the exiled judge of Chinguetti; as well as his close friend the voracious reader and rebel Abdurrahman who wants to change the world, Abdel Hadi, the holy-fool sheikh with an encyclopaedic knowledge of Arab history and poetry, and Ould al-Taher, the first climate-change refugee. The narrator's travels take him to the village of Kanz al-Asrar near a tributary of the Senegal River, an area so fertile it is like a lush paradise. However, two and more years without any rain create drought, wells dry out, livelihoods shatter, and dreams turn to disturbing nightmarish premonitions of disaster. The burning fire of the sun is winning its eternal struggle with the hidden water that the clouds plant in the depths of the sand. As desertification takes hold, that paradise of southern Mauritania and of Nabaa gradually declines and the waves of migration, always a feature of life in the Sahara, intensify.

This is a fascinating collection of essays about Israeli society and its institutions. It is written by practitioners who have experience and understanding, who are equipped with the insight and knowledge, and who bore responsibility while serving the public in the various institutions. Among the authors are former State President Yitzhak Navon, former cabinet minister Gad Yaakobi, former Deputy Speaker of the Knesset Naomi Chazan, former Attorney General Elyakim Rubinstein, Former Supreme Court President Meir Shamgar, the State Comptroller Eliezer Goldberg, and former member of the Press Council Raphael Cohen-Almagor. The decision-makers provide fresh, practical observations and personal, valuable accounts of their respective roles. The book aims to tackle timely concerns, analyzing the relationships between democracy and bureaucracy, the military-political complex, the issue of separation of powers in democracy and more specifically the role of the Supreme Court, and the need for a written, solid constitution. It also discusses citizenship education. The book will be useful to researchers on Israeli democracy, students, teachers, historians, sociologists, political scientists and legal scholars who wish to better understand this fascinating society and its institutions.

In recent years, the discussion about Israel was dominated by post-Zionist, post-Israeli opinions. Important voices that represent large sectors of Israeli society were not heard. To somewhat change this situation, some of the best scholars in their respective fields participate in this ultimate collection of essays about Israeli society, its politics and schisms. The book aims to tackle timely concerns, like Israel's fight against terror, its relationships with the Palestinians, the mutual relationships between the civic society and the army, the status of women in society, and separation between state and religion. Particular attention is given to probing the state of human rights, minority rights, and health rights. The volume also discusses the tensions between liberalism and socialism, between state and religion, and between immigration groups, most notably resulting from the immigration from the former Soviet Union.

Home to a mixed community of Muslims, Copts, Christians, Jews, Buddhists, Indians, Europeans and Africans, Sur is plunged into turmoil by an extremist revolution orchestrated by the Righteous One. An obscure figure, the Righteous One is drawing followers from the poor and discontented to his jihad. Sur and all its communities represent the camp of apostasy and must be defeated. The city begins to prepare itself for the onslaught. Together with other young women, Khamila is led away to a house for female captives. Kept in seclusion and guarded by eunuchs, these women are instructed in the new faith and readied for marriage and sexual servitude. Despairing of rescue and determined to resist her fate, Khamila learns she is to be married off to the Righteous One himself. She appears to be rescued by one of the eunuchs, Lulu, but awakens from her dream, again and again, to find herself still a captive. Despite its relative shortness, this poetic novel is rich in detail and characters, while the author projects contemporary horrors of sexual violence and slavery back into the past and fiercely criticizes today's extremist ideologies.

This is the ultimate collection of essays about Israeli society, its politics, schisms and institutions. Leading authors in this field tackle timely concerns, such as Israel's fight against terror, its relationships with the Palestinians, the mutual relationships between the civic society and the army, the status of women in society, and separation between state and religion. Particular attention is given to probing the state of human rights, minority rights, and health rights. The volume also discusses the tensions between liberalism and socialism, between state and religion, and between immigration groups, most notably resulting from the immigration from the former Soviet Union. The book analyses the relationships between democracy and bureaucracy, the issue of separation of powers in democracy and more specifically the role of the Supreme Court. It also sheds light on the roles of other influential institutions: the government, the Presidency, the Knesset, the Legal Advisor to the Government, and the StateComptroller. Finally, the book discusses the education system as well as the press council and its role in a democratic society. This is a special issue of the journal "Israel Affairs,"

One of the dangers in any political system is that the principles that underlie and characterize it may, through their application, bring about its destruction. Liberal democracy is no exception. Moreover, because democracy is relatively a young phenomenon, it lacks experience in dealing with pitfalls involved in the working of the system - the 'catch' of democracy. This is an interdisciplinary study concerned with the limits of tolerance, this 'democratic catch', and the costs of freedom of expression. Rights are costly, and someone must pay for them. We can and should ask about the justification for bearing the costs, weighing them against the harms inflicted upon society as a result of a wide scope of tolerance. While recognizing that we have the need to express ourselves, we should also inquire about the justifications for tolerating the damaging speech and whether these are weighty enough. This book combines theory and practice, examining issues of contention from philosophical, legal and media perspectives and covers such issues as: media invasion into one's privacy offensive speech incitement hate speech holocaust denial media coverage of terrorism. This book is essential reading for anyone who has research interests in political theory, extremism, and free speech.

This title was first published in 2000: The essays gathered in this volume cover a wide range of theoretical and practical issues concerning a variety of problems which democracies confront time and again. Their aim is to look at challenges to democracy that evolve from within democracy. The discussion sets out to examine how democracies, in different times, dealt with attempts to undermine democratic processes and fundamental human rights. The design of the book is both interdisciplinary and comparative, offering historical, philosophical, legal, sociological, political and media perspectives of renowned scholars from the UK, Israel, the USA and Canada. They analyze how different societies try to cope with and find answers for attacks against them by political extremists, cultural chauvinists, terrorists, hate groups and other radical movements.

This title was first published in 2000: The essays gathered in this volume cover a wide range of theoretical and practical issues concerning a variety of problems which democracies confront time and again. Their aim is to look at challenges to democracy that evolve from within democracy. The discussion sets out to examine how democracies, in different times, dealt with attempts to undermine democratic processes and fundamental human rights. The design of the book is both interdisciplinary and comparative, offering historical, philosophical, legal, sociological, political and media perspectives of renowned scholars from the UK, Israel, the USA and Canada. They analyze how different societies try to cope with and find answers for attacks against them by political extremists, cultural chauvinists, terrorists, hate groups and other radical movements.

One of the dangers in any political system is that the principles that underlie and characterize it may, through their application, bring about its destruction. Liberal democracy is no exception. Moreover, because democracy is relatively a young phenomenon, it lacks experience in dealing with pitfalls involved in the working of the system - the 'catch' of democracy. This is an interdisciplinary study concerned with the limits of tolerance, this 'democratic catch', and the costs of freedom of expression. Rights are costly, and someone must pay for them. We can and should ask about the justification for bearing the costs, weighing them against the harms inflicted upon society as a result of a wide scope of tolerance. While recognizing that we have the need to express ourselves, we should also inquire about the justifications for tolerating the damaging speech and whether these are weighty enough. This book combines theory and practice, examining issues of contention from philosophical, legal and media perspectives and covers such issues as: media invasion into one's privacy offensive speech incitement hate speech holocaust denial media coverage of terrorism. This book is essential reading for anyone who has research interests in political theory, extremism, and free speech.

This is a fascinating collection of essays about Israeli society and its institutions. It is written by practitioners who have experience and understanding, who are equipped with the insight and knowledge, and who bore responsibility while serving the public in the various institutions. Among the authors are former State President Yitzhak Navon, former cabinet minister Gad Yaakobi, former Deputy Speaker of the Knesset Naomi Chazan, former Attorney General Elyakim Rubinstein, Former Supreme Court President Meir Shamgar, the State Comptroller Eliezer Goldberg, and former member of the Press Council Raphael Cohen-Almagor. The decision-makers provide fresh, practical observations and personal, valuable accounts of their respective roles. The book aims to tackle timely concerns, analyzing the relationships between democracy and bureaucracy, the military-political complex, the issue of separation of powers in democracy and more specifically the role of the Supreme Court, and the need for a written, solid constitution. It also discusses citizenship education. The book will be useful to researchers on Israeli democracy, students, teachers, historians, sociologists, political scientists and legal scholars who wish to better understand this fascinating society and its institutions.

A chance encounter on a plane throws together Doha, a fashion designer unhappily married to a leading figure in the Mubarak regime, and Ashraf, an academic and leading dissident. The story of their relationship and Doha's self-discovery runs alongside a young Egyptian's search for the mother he never knew, and these intersecting narratives unfold against the background of political protests that culminate in the overthrow of the regime.
A moving and at times humorous story, Butterfly Wings is an extended allegory of Egypt's modern experience of authoritarian rule and explores the fractures and challenges of a society at the moment of revolutionary transformation.
Mohamed Salmawy's almost prophetic novel was first published in Arabic immediately prior to the events of 25 January 2011, and has been celebrated as 'the novel that predicted the Revolution.'

Khaled, a former revolutionary in the Algerian war of liberation has been in self-exile in Paris for two decades, disgusted by the corruption that now riddles the country he once fought for. Now a celebrated painter, Khaled is consumed with passion for Hayat, the daughter of his old revolutionary commander, who unexpectedly reenters Khaled's life. Hayat had been just a child when he last saw her, but she has now become a seductive young novelist. The first novel in an award-winning, bestselling trilogy that spans Algeria's tumultuous recent history, The Bridges of Constantine is a lyrical and heartrending love story

This book analyses French cultural policies in the face of what the French government perceives as a challenge to its Republican secular raison d'etre. It makes general arguments about France's changing identity and specific arguments about the burqa and niqab ban. The book further explains how French history shaped the ideology of secularism and of public civil religion, and how colonial legacy, immigration, fear of terrorism, and security needs have led France to adopt the trinity of indivisibilite, securite, laicite while paying homage to the traditional trinity of liberte, egalite, fraternite. The book argues that while this motto of the French Revolution is still symbolically and politically important, its practical significance as it has been translated to policy implementation has been eroded. It shows how the emergence of the new trinity at the expense of the old one is evident when analyzing the debates concerning cultural policies in France in the face of the Islamic garb, the burqa, and the niqab, which are perceived as a challenge to France's national secular raison d'etre. Subsequently, the book raises various important questions, such as: Is the burqa and niqab ban socially just? Does it reasonably balance the preservation of societal values and freedom of conscience? What are the true motives behind the ban? Has the discourse changed in the age of COVID-19, when all people are required to wear a mask in the public space? Therefore, this book is a must-read for students, scholars, and researchers of political science, as well as a general audience interested in a better understanding of French politics, elections, cultural policy, secularism, and identity.

This book explores the main challenges against multiculturalism. It aims to examine whether liberalism and multiculturalism are reconcilable, and what are the limits of liberal democratic interventions in illiberal affairs of minority cultures within democracy. In the process, this book addresses three questions: whether multiculturalism is bad for democracy, whether multiculturalism is bad for women, and whether multiculturalism contributes to terrorism. Just, Reasonable Multiculturalism argues that liberalism and multiculturalism are reconcilable if a fair balance is struck between individual rights and group rights. Raphael Cohen-Almagor contends that reasonable multiculturalism can be achieved via mechanisms of deliberate democracy, compromise and, when necessary, coercion. Placing necessary checks on groups that discriminate against vulnerable third parties, the approach insists on the protection of basic human rights as well as on exit rights for individuals if and when they wish to leave their cultural groups.

This book explores the main challenges against multiculturalism. It aims to examine whether liberalism and multiculturalism are reconcilable, and what are the limits of liberal democratic interventions in illiberal affairs of minority cultures within democracy. In the process, this book addresses three questions: whether multiculturalism is bad for democracy, whether multiculturalism is bad for women, and whether multiculturalism contributes to terrorism. Just, Reasonable Multiculturalism argues that liberalism and multiculturalism are reconcilable if a fair balance is struck between individual rights and group rights. Raphael Cohen-Almagor contends that reasonable multiculturalism can be achieved via mechanisms of deliberate democracy, compromise and, when necessary, coercion. Placing necessary checks on groups that discriminate against vulnerable third parties, the approach insists on the protection of basic human rights as well as on exit rights for individuals if and when they wish to leave their cultural groups.

Abir scrapes a living in a Beirut hospital morgue by night, stealing from both the bodies he tends and his bosses. But he has a dark history that continues to haunt him. Earlier in the civil war, he fled his village for Beirut and, lost in the big city, joined a political party to survive. When he is kidnapped from the hospital, he knows he has not escaped his past and the many crimes he witnessed. But what or who is still chasing him?

Terrorism, cyberbullying, child pornography, hate speech, cybercrime: along with unprecedented advancements in productivity and engagement, the Internet has ushered in a space for violent, hateful, and antisocial behavior. How do we, as individuals and as a society, protect against dangerous expressions online? Confronting the Internet's Dark Side is the first book on social responsibility on the Internet. It aims to strike a balance between the free speech principle and the responsibilities of the individual, corporation, state, and the international community. This book brings a global perspective to the analysis of some of the most troubling uses of the Internet. It urges net users, ISPs, and liberal democracies to weigh freedom and security, finding the golden mean between unlimited license and moral responsibility. This judgment is necessary to uphold the very liberal democratic values that gave rise to the Internet and that are threatened by an unbridled use of technology.