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The notion that we are experiencing a change in times, whereby an
old global order is giving way to a new one, has been gaining
legitimacy in international debates. As US power is waning, the
argument goes, so is the set of liberal norms, rules and
institutions around which the Unites States organised its global
supremacy. Ideational contests, power shifts, regional
fragmentation, and socio-economic turmoil paint a broad picture of
complex and often inter-related challenges that fuel contestation
of the liberal order, both as a normative project and as an
emanation of US power. Major players - China and India, Europe and
Russia, and the United States itself - are all engaged in a process
of global repositioning, most notably in areas where the liberal
project has only fragile roots and order is contested: Eastern
Europe and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific and the Middle East. This
volume aims to provide critical frames of reference for
understanding whether geopolitical and ideational contestations
will eventually bring the US-centred liberal order down or lead to
a process of adjustment and transformation. The chapters in this
book were originally published in a special issue in The
International Spectator.
The notion that we are experiencing a change in times, whereby an
old global order is giving way to a new one, has been gaining
legitimacy in international debates. As US power is waning, the
argument goes, so is the set of liberal norms, rules and
institutions around which the Unites States organised its global
supremacy. Ideational contests, power shifts, regional
fragmentation, and socio-economic turmoil paint a broad picture of
complex and often inter-related challenges that fuel contestation
of the liberal order, both as a normative project and as an
emanation of US power. Major players - China and India, Europe and
Russia, and the United States itself - are all engaged in a process
of global repositioning, most notably in areas where the liberal
project has only fragile roots and order is contested: Eastern
Europe and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific and the Middle East. This
volume aims to provide critical frames of reference for
understanding whether geopolitical and ideational contestations
will eventually bring the US-centred liberal order down or lead to
a process of adjustment and transformation. The chapters in this
book were originally published in a special issue in The
International Spectator.
This book investigates the European involvement in managing the
nuclear dispute with Iran, shedding new light on EU foreign
policy-making. The author focuses on the peculiar format through
which the EU managed Iran's nuclear issue: a 'lead group'
consisting of France, Germany and the UK and the High
Representative for EU foreign policy (E3/EU). The experience of the
E3/EU lends credibility to the claim that lead groups give EU
foreign policy direction and substance. The E3/EU set up a
negotiating framework that worked as a de-escalating tool, a
catalyst for Security Council unity and a forum for crisis
management. They inflicted pain on Iran by adopting a comprehensive
sanctions regime, but did so only having secured US commitment to a
diplomatic solution. Once the deal was reached, they defended it
vigorously. The E3/EU may have been supporting actors, but their
achievements were real.
This book investigates the European involvement in managing the
nuclear dispute with Iran, shedding new light on EU foreign
policy-making. The author focuses on the peculiar format through
which the EU managed Iran's nuclear issue: a 'lead group'
consisting of France, Germany and the UK and the High
Representative for EU foreign policy (E3/EU). The experience of the
E3/EU lends credibility to the claim that lead groups give EU
foreign policy direction and substance. The E3/EU set up a
negotiating framework that worked as a de-escalating tool, a
catalyst for Security Council unity and a forum for crisis
management. They inflicted pain on Iran by adopting a comprehensive
sanctions regime, but did so only having secured US commitment to a
diplomatic solution. Once the deal was reached, they defended it
vigorously. The E3/EU may have been supporting actors, but their
achievements were real.
This book assesses the state of transatlantic relations in an era
of emerging powers and growing interconnectedness, and discusses
the limits and potential of transatlantic leadership in creating
effective governance structures. The authors first resort to theory
and history to understand the transatlantic relationship. They then
consider the domestic and systemic factors that might set the
relationship between the United States and Europe on a different
path. Finally, the authors locate the potential for transatlantic
leadership in the context of the global power shift. The world of
the 21st century displays different power configurations in
different policy domains. This changing structure of power
complicates the exercise of leadership. Leadership requires not
only greater power and authority, but also persuasion, bargaining
and moral suasion, all necessary strategies to build coalitions and
manage conflicts between great powers.
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