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This book presents new original research on the main impediments to
exports facing transition economies. It specifically addresses
questions such as: are the impediments to exports mainly external
and demand related, or are they associated more with the conditions
of supply? How are governments promoting exports now that their
influence over enterprise activity has been reduced? What
strategies have enterprises developed to overcome existing barriers
to exports? And what role does foreign investment play in the
development of competitive export potential? The authors focus on
the export performance of eight small transition economies with
special emphasis on the behavior of exporting enterprises. Results
of the analysis reveal that in the mid-1990s the companies
inherited conditions and their strategies, as well as the domestic
economic situation, are more important in determining export
performance than characteristics of demand abroad. The authors
conclude that exports have played a key role in the transition
economies' recent recovery from recession and that further
dismantling of remaining impediments will be critical as these
economies become more integrated with the Western world. Trade
Growth in Transition Economies will be essential for policymakers,
governments and private sector business as well as for academics
who analyze trade developments in Central and Eastern Europe and
propose relevant policies to tackle impediments to exports.
The twentieth century witnessed an explosion of new nations carved
out of existing ramshackle empires and multiethnic states. Many
observers contend that the creation of new states will continue
indefinitely, with the two hundred of today becoming the four
hundred of tomorrow as more groups seek independence. This
provocative and compelling book explores the impact of
globalization and terrorism on this trend, arguing convincingly
that the era of national self-determination has finally come to an
end. Examining the forces that determine the emergence of new
nation-states, the distinguished contributors consider a rich array
of specific cases from the Middle East, Asia, North America,
Europe, and Russia where new states could be created. They contend
that globalization, rather than expanding such opportunities, is
not as friendly to new weak states with limited resources as it is
to established rich nations. Given the vast sums circulating in the
world market, few fledgling nations can be financially independent.
They find it more prudent to shelter within the protective embrace
of existing federations. Equally, governments of federal states can
induce restive petitioners_such as Quebec, Scotland, and the
Basques_to remain inside the metropolitan boundary through a system
of tangible restraints and rewards. Those who reject the benefits,
such as rebels in Chechnya and Aceh, will fail in their bids for
independence. Taiwan_poised on a knife-edge between integration
with China and independence_faces a series of costs and diminished
returns if it seeks full statehood. Finally, terrorism has lost its
legitimacy as a technique for gaining independence in the eyes of
the international community. Despite the stall in new state
formation, there has been no sign of successful military or
imperial expansion by established countries toward consolidation
into fewer, larger national units. Neither aggression by regional
states_such as the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990, nor
intervention_such as the U.S. occupation of Iraq in 2003, are
likely to succeed. On balance, the book concludes, discontented
national movements will have to find ways to exist within current
geopolitical boundaries.
The twentieth century witnessed an explosion of new nations carved
out of existing ramshackle empires and multiethnic states. Many
observers contend that the creation of new states will continue
indefinitely, with the two hundred of today becoming the four
hundred of tomorrow as more groups seek independence. This
provocative and compelling book explores the impact of
globalization and terrorism on this trend, arguing convincingly
that the era of national self-determination has finally come to an
end. Examining the forces that determine the emergence of new
nation-states, the distinguished contributors consider a rich array
of specific cases from the Middle East, Asia, North America,
Europe, and Russia where new states could be created. They contend
that globalization, rather than expanding such opportunities, is
not as friendly to new weak states with limited resources as it is
to established rich nations. Given the vast sums circulating in the
world market, few fledgling nations can be financially independent.
They find it more prudent to shelter within the protective embrace
of existing federations. Equally, governments of federal states can
induce restive petitioners such as Quebec, Scotland, and the
Basques to remain inside the metropolitan boundary through a system
of tangible restraints and rewards. Those who reject the benefits,
such as rebels in Chechnya and Aceh, will fail in their bids for
independence. Taiwan poised on a knife-edge between integration
with China and independence faces a series of costs and diminished
returns if it seeks full statehood. Finally, terrorism has lost its
legitimacy as a technique for gaining independence in the eyes of
the international community. Despite the stall in new state
formation, there has been no sign of successful military or
imperial expansion by established countries toward consolidation
into fewer, larger national units. Neither aggression by regional
states such as the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990, nor
intervention such as the U.S. occupation"
To whom do the Earth's riches belong--all of mankind, the nations
in which those riches are found, or individuals? Why should a
relatively small number of Arabs own most of the world's oil
reserves? Why should South Africans own most of the world's gold
and diamond resources? Or why should the Americans and Canadians
own the agriculturally rich Great Plains? Shouldn't these resources
and the environment be treated as endowments available to all
mankind? Long ago, the international community agreed to a system
of national ownership of natural resources, giving states
sovereignty over their respective territories. In recent years,
however, environmentalists have raised questions about this
distribution of property rights with respect to global
environmental issues, such as atmospheric disposal of waste gases,
preservation of the Earth's genetic material, and the destruction
of tropical rain forests. When environmental impacts are global,
international action may be warranted to ensure that individual
nations are complying with transnational standards. In this book,
part of the Brookings Integrating National Economies series,
Richard N. Cooper evaluates the need for international policy
action in natural resource and environmental management. Using
numerous examples, he illustrates the issues that cause conflict in
environment and resources policies. Cooper divides the use of
natural resources into three categories and examines the rationale
for international action in each. He discusses the use of resources
not yet subject to national jurisdiction, such as Antarctica, open
oceans, and outer space, and analyzes the effects of national
action on other nations via both market andenvironmental
externalities. Taking into account the diversity of individual
states' circumstances and priorities, Copper concludes that stiff
environmental regulations generally are not the best answer to
environmental management. He explains that developing countries are
not likely to take actions to improve environmental hazards if
those actions risk slowing their economic growth. Instead, policies
that provide incentives for compliance with international standards
are needed. The book outlines past internatioal actions, what has
worked and what has not, and provides recommendations for future
actions. A volume of Brookings' Integrating National Economies
Series
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