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Masculine domination is so anchored in our social practices and our
unconscious that we hardly perceive it; it is so much in line with
our expectations that we find it difficult to call into question.
Pierre Bourdieu's analysis of Kabyle society provides instruments
to help us understand the most concealed aspects of the relations
between the sexes in our own societies, and to break the bonds of
deceptive familiarity that tie us to our own tradition.
Bourdieu analyzes masculine domination as a prime example of
symbolic violence--the kind of gentle, invisible, pervasive
violence exercised through the everyday practices of social life.
To understand this form of domination we must also analyze the
social mechanisms and institutions--family, school, church, and
state--that transform history into nature and eternalize the
arbitrary. Only in this way can we open up the possibilities for a
kind of political action that can put history in motion again by
neutralizing the mechanisms that have naturalized and
dehistoricized the relations between the sexes.
This new book by Pierre Bourdieu--which has been a bestseller in
France--will be essential reading for anyone concerned with
questions of gender and sexuality and with the structures that
shape our social, political, and personal lives.
A synthesis of forty years' work by France's leading sociologist,
this book pushes the critique of scholarly reason to a new level.
It is a brilliant example of Bourdieu's unique ability to link
sociological theory, historical information, and philosophical
thought.
"Pascalian Meditations" makes explicit the presuppositions of a
state of "scholasticism," a certain leisure liberated from the
urgencies of the world. Philosophers, unwilling to engage these
presuppositions in their practice, have brought them into the order
of discourse, not so much to analyze them as to legitimate them.
This situation is the primary systematic, epistemological, ethical,
and aesthetic error that Bourdieu subjects to methodological
critique.
This critique of scholarly reason is carried out in the name of
Pascal because he, too, pointed out the features of human existence
that the scholastic outlook ignores: he was concerned with symbolic
power; he refused the temptation of foundationalist thinking; he
attended (without populist naivete) to "ordinary people"; and he
was determined to seek the "raison d'etre" of seemingly illogical
behavior rather than condemning or mocking it.
Through this critique, Bourdieu charts a negative philosophy that
calls into question some of our most fundamental presuppositions,
such as a "subject" who is free and self-aware. This philosophy,
with its intellectual debt to such other "heretical" philosophers
as Wittgenstein, Austin, Dewey, and Peirce, renews traditional
questioning of the concepts of violence, power, time, history, the
universal, and the purpose and direction of existence.
A synthesis of forty years' work by France's leading sociologist,
this book pushes the critique of scholarly reason to a new level.
It is a brilliant example of Bourdieu's unique ability to link
sociological theory, historical information, and philosophical
thought.
"Pascalian Meditations" makes explicit the presuppositions of a
state of "scholasticism," a certain leisure liberated from the
urgencies of the world. Philosophers, unwilling to engage these
presuppositions in their practice, have brought them into the order
of discourse, not so much to analyze them as to legitimate them.
This situation is the primary systematic, epistemological, ethical,
and aesthetic error that Bourdieu subjects to methodological
critique.
This critique of scholarly reason is carried out in the name of
Pascal because he, too, pointed out the features of human existence
that the scholastic outlook ignores: he was concerned with symbolic
power; he refused the temptation of foundationalist thinking; he
attended (without populist naivete) to "ordinary people"; and he
was determined to seek the "raison d'etre" of seemingly illogical
behavior rather than condemning or mocking it.
Through this critique, Bourdieu charts a negative philosophy that
calls into question some of our most fundamental presuppositions,
such as a "subject" who is free and self-aware. This philosophy,
with its intellectual debt to such other "heretical" philosophers
as Wittgenstein, Austin, Dewey, and Peirce, renews traditional
questioning of the concepts of violence, power, time, history, the
universal, and the purpose and direction of existence.
Our usual representations of the opposition between the "civilized"
and the "primitive" derive from willfully ignoring the relationship
of distance our social science sets up between the observer and the
observed. In fact, the author argues, the relationship between the
anthropologist and his object of study is a particular instance of
the relationship between knowing and doing, interpreting and using,
symbolic mastery and practical mastery--or between logical logic,
armed with all the accumulated instruments of objectification, and
the universally pre-logical logic of practice.
In this, his fullest statement of a theory of practice, Bourdieu
both sets out what might be involved in incorporating one's own
standpoint into an investigation and develops his understanding of
the powers inherent in the second member of many oppositional
pairs--that is, he explicates how the practical concerns of daily
life condition the transmission and functioning of social or
cultural forms.
The first part of the book, "Critique of Theoretical Reason,"
covers more general questions, such as the objectivization of the
generic relationship between social scientific observers and their
objects of study, the need to overcome the gulf between
subjectivism and objectivism, the interplay between structure and
practice (a phenomenon Bourdieu describes via his concept of the
habitus
), the place of the body, the manipulation of time, varieties of
symbolic capital, and modes of domination.
The second part of the book, "Practical Logics," develops detailed
case studies based on Bourdieu's ethnographic fieldwork in Algeria.
These examples touch on kinship patterns, the social construction
of domesticspace, social categories of perception and
classification, and ritualized actions and exchanges.
This book develops in full detail the theoretical positions
sketched in Bourdieu's Outline of a Theory of Practice
. It will be especially useful to readers seeking to grasp the
subtle concepts central to Bourdieu's theory, to theorists
interested in his points of departure from structuralism
(especially fom Levi-Strauss), and to critics eager to understand
what role his theory gives to human agency. It also reveals
Bourdieu to be an anthropological theorist of considerable
originality and power.
Our usual representations of the opposition between the "civilized"
and the "primitive" derive from willfully ignoring the relationship
of distance our social science sets up between the observer and the
observed. In fact, the author argues, the relationship between the
anthropologist and his object of study is a particular instance of
the relationship between knowing and doing, interpreting and using,
symbolic mastery and practical mastery--or between logical logic,
armed with all the accumulated instruments of objectification, and
the universally pre-logical logic of practice.
In this, his fullest statement of a theory of practice, Bourdieu
both sets out what might be involved in incorporating one's own
standpoint into an investigation and develops his understanding of
the powers inherent in the second member of many oppositional
pairs--that is, he explicates how the practical concerns of daily
life condition the transmission and functioning of social or
cultural forms.
The first part of the book, "Critique of Theoretical Reason,"
covers more general questions, such as the objectivization of the
generic relationship between social scientific observers and their
objects of study, the need to overcome the gulf between
subjectivism and objectivism, the interplay between structure and
practice (a phenomenon Bourdieu describes via his concept of the
habitus
), the place of the body, the manipulation of time, varieties of
symbolic capital, and modes of domination.
The second part of the book, "Practical Logics," develops detailed
case studies based on Bourdieu's ethnographic fieldwork in Algeria.
These examples touch on kinship patterns, the social construction
of domesticspace, social categories of perception and
classification, and ritualized actions and exchanges.
This book develops in full detail the theoretical positions
sketched in Bourdieu's Outline of a Theory of Practice
. It will be especially useful to readers seeking to grasp the
subtle concepts central to Bourdieu's theory, to theorists
interested in his points of departure from structuralism
(especially fom Levi-Strauss), and to critics eager to understand
what role his theory gives to human agency. It also reveals
Bourdieu to be an anthropological theorist of considerable
originality and power.
A translation of the study in which Bourdieu develops the theory for his empirical work, based on fieldwork in Kabylia, Algeria.
No judgement of taste is innocent - we are all snobs. Pierre
Bourdieu's Distinction brilliantly illuminates the social
pretentions of the middle classes in the modern world, focusing on
the tastes and preferences of the French bourgeoisie. First
published in 1979, the book is at once a vast ethnography of
contemporary France and a dissection of the bourgeois mind.
In the course of everyday life we constantly choose between what
we find aesthetically pleasing, and what we consider tacky, merely
trendy, or ugly. Taste is not pure. Bourdieu demonstrates that our
different aesthetic choices are all distinctions - that is, choices
made in opposition to those made by other classes. This fascinating
work argues that the social world functions simultaneously as a
system of power relations and as a symbolic system in which minute
distinctions of taste become the basis for social judgement.
Freedom and control are usually understood as opposites but what if
they merged? Consumption, management and administration are
everywhere. We are no longer supposed to depend on one other.
Instead, institutions and organizations form a dense web that
radically transform our past relations into ready-made, fragmented
norms. Thus, we are increasingly controlled not by coercion but by
competition and efficiency, aspiration and fear, to the point where
a new era in human sociality is starting. Moving beyond existing
critiques, Lianos argues that capitalism does not show itself as a
conspiracy of the powerful but rather manifests as the lowest
common denominator of our collective weaknesses. Control,
therefore, lies in practice and freedom lies in consciousness.
"This book transforms our view of social control. It is undoubtedly
the first work to expose a decisive social mutation and reveal to
us the logic and the disturbing power of a post-disciplinary, new
social control, just as Foucault masterfully revealed to us the
logic of disciplinary control." - Robert Castel, Ecole des hautes
etudes en sciences sociales.
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