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This work shows the importance of analyzing the "low" politics of
areas that have traditionally been dominated by "high" politics.
The role of bodies such as the Liberal Summer School and the
Women's Liberal Federation are examined, along with the work of
thinkers such as JM Keynes and Ramsay Muir. The text should make
two major contributions to our knowledge of the role of
international relations in British politics in the inter-war years.
First, by analysing the Liberal Party's principles and policies on
international relations, it offers a perspective on British
Liberalism. Second, by exploring the Liberal Party's alternative to
the Baldwin-Chamberlain policy of appeasement, it enters the
historical debate on the options open to Britain in the 1930s, and
shows that there was a Liberal alternative to appeasement.
This work shows the importance of analysing the low politics of
areas that have traditionally been dominated by high politics. The
role of bodies such as the Liberal Summer School and the Women's
Liberal Federation are examined, along with the work of thinkers
such as JM Keynes and Ramsay Muir. The text should make two major
contributions to our knowledge of the role of international
relations in British politics in the inter-war years. First, by
analyzing the Liberal Party's principles and policies on
international relations, it offers a perspective on British
Liberalism. Second, by exploring the Liberal Party's alternative to
the Baldwin-Chamberlain policy of appeasement, it enters the
historical debate on the options open to Britain in the 1930s, and
shows that there was a Liberal alternative to appeasement.
This is a study of Austen Chamberlain's term of office as Stanley
Baldwin's Foreign Secretary from 1924-29. It is argued that
Chamberlain's priority was a two-stage policy in Western Europe,
which aimed at pacifying both France and Germany, as well as
encouraging the League of Nations. Other key chapters deal with
British policy in the Middle East and China and policy towards
America. Overall, Chamberlain is shown to have committed Britain to
a European diplomatic role, whcih was opposed by Cabinet ministers
who did not see a European interest to all aspects of British
foreign policy. At the turn of the millennium, in the Conservative
Party, this debate is still unresolved.
No one saw it coming. No pundit, no pollster and no political
leader predicted David Cameron's Conservative Party would win a
majority of seats in Parliament and his three main opponents would
resign as party leaders. The consequences of the coalition also
became clear as the Liberal Democrats fell dramatically from grace,
and lost their spot as Britain's third party. And despite Scotland
voting 'NO' to independence in 2014, the election result also
threatens the Union, with the Scottish National Party winning all
but three of the country's seats. In this timely edition, Richard
S. Grayson analyses Britain's changing political landscape, and
explores the role of the media, the European Union and the UK's
'special relationship' with the US. Thorough and incisive, British
Politics: A Beginner's Guide is the perfect introduction to the
structure, parties and personalities of British Government today.
The diary of an officer in the 6th Royal Dublin Fusiliers covering
1914-19 and four theatres of war. Noel Drury (1884-1975) was from a
middle-class Dublin Protestant family and served most of the First
World War as an officer in the 6th Royal Dublin Fusiliers in the
10th (Irish) Division. The division was the first of Ireland's
wartime volunteer formations to be posted overseas, arriving at
Gallipoli in August 1915 in the Suvla Bay landings. Drury and his
battalion experienced several key phases of the Gallipoli campaign
before being redeployed to Salonika in October 1915. Drury was away
from his battalion for a year in 1916-17 suffering from malaria,
but rejoined in Palestine towards the end of 1917. From there his
battalion was sent to the Western Front in the summer of 1918 to
take part in the Hundred Days Offensive. Drury's diaries describe
training, daily life, contrasting theatres of the war, and show
what it meant to be an Irish officer in the British army.
For the first time, Richard S. Grayson tells the story of the
Dubliners who served in the British military and in republican
forces during the First World War and the Irish Revolution as a
series of interconnected 'Great Wars'. He charts the full scope of
Dubliners' military service, far beyond the well-known Dublin
'Pals', with as many as 35,000 serving and over 6,500 dead, from
the Irish Sea to the Middle East and beyond. Linking two conflicts
usually narrated as separate stories, he shows how Irish
nationalist support for Britain going to war in 1914 can only be
understood in the context of the political fight for Home Rule and
why so many Dubliners were hostile to the Easter Rising. He
examines Dublin loyalism and how the War of Independence and the
Civil War would be shaped by the militarisation of Irish society
and the earlier experiences of veterans of the British army.
This is the compelling story of West Belfast's involvement fighting
on the Western Front throughout the First World War. This is the
story of men from either side of West Belfast's sectarian divide
during the Great War. This dramatic book tells the story of the
volunteers of the 36th and 16th divisions who fought on the Somme
and side-by-side at Messines. Grayson also brings in forgotten West
Belfast men from throughout the armed forces, from the retreat at
Mons to the defeat of Germany and life post-war. In so doing, he
tells a new story which challenges popular perceptions of the war
and explains why remembrance remains so controversial in Belfast
today.
For the first time, Richard S. Grayson tells the story of the
Dubliners who served in the British military and in republican
forces during the First World War and the Irish Revolution as a
series of interconnected 'Great Wars'. He charts the full scope of
Dubliners' military service, far beyond the well-known Dublin
'Pals', with as many as 35,000 serving and over 6,500 dead, from
the Irish Sea to the Middle East and beyond. Linking two conflicts
usually narrated as separate stories, he shows how Irish
nationalist support for Britain going to war in 1914 can only be
understood in the context of the political fight for Home Rule and
why so many Dubliners were hostile to the Easter Rising. He
examines Dublin loyalism and how the War of Independence and the
Civil War would be shaped by the militarisation of Irish society
and the earlier experiences of veterans of the British army.
The year 1916 witnessed two events that would profoundly shape both
politics and commemoration in Ireland over the course of the
following century. Although the Easter Rising and the Battle of the
Somme were important historical events in their own right, their
significance also lay in how they came to be understood as iconic
moments in the emergence of Northern Ireland and the Irish
Republic. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach drawing on
history, politics, anthropology and cultural studies, this volume
explores how the memory of these two foundational events has been
constructed, mythologised and revised over the course of the past
century. The aim is not merely to understand how the Rising and the
Somme came to exert a central place in how the past is viewed in
Ireland, but to explore wider questions about the relationship
between history, commemoration and memory.
This is the compelling story of West Belfast's involvement fighting
on the Western Front throughout the First World War. This is the
story of men from either side of West Belfast's sectarian divide
during the Great War. This dramatic book tells the story of the
volunteers of the 36th and 16th divisions who fought on the Somme
and side-by-side at Messines. Grayson also brings in forgotten West
Belfast men from throughout the armed forces, from the retreat at
Mons to the defeat of Germany and life post-war. In so doing, he
tells a new story which challenges popular perceptions of the war
and explains why remembrance remains so controversial in Belfast
today.
The year 1916 witnessed two events that would profoundly shape both
politics and commemoration in Ireland over the course of the
following century. Although the Easter Rising and the Battle of the
Somme were important historical events in their own right, their
significance also lay in how they came to be understood as iconic
moments in the emergence of Northern Ireland and the Irish
Republic. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach drawing on
history, politics, anthropology and cultural studies, this volume
explores how the memory of these two foundational events has been
constructed, mythologised and revised over the course of the past
century. The aim is not merely to understand how the Rising and the
Somme came to exert a central place in how the past is viewed in
Ireland, but to explore wider questions about the relationship
between history, commemoration and memory.
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