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Originally published in 1975, this volume reassesses the
historical, political and social role of African workers and
examines the extent to which a working class has formed and
undertaken collective action in various parts of Africa. The book
is based on primary historical sources or first-hand experiences.
The contributors are linked by their belief in the legitimacy of
action by organised workers to create a more just society.
This book offers a fresh appraisal of the nature and significance
of the democratic left in the Global South. The moral and
intellectual leadership of the left is shifting south from its
European birthplace. It is in the Global South, and most notably in
Latin America, that one finds newly self-confident progressive
movements. This 'new' democratic left includes parties and social
movements that not only are avoiding the familiar pitfalls that
ensnared socialists and social democrats in the twentieth century,
but also are coping with the realities of the twenty-first century,
especially neoliberal globalization. In analyzing and illustrating
three innovative strategies - moderate social democracy, radical
social-democratic transition to socialism, and Left populism - this
study nudges the debate about the Left out of the well-worn grooves
into which it has fallen in recent decades.
A study of the role of unionised workers in Kenya, this places the
workers and their unions within the broad context of an evolving
political economy. Similar studies, often restricted to a single
trade union, have usually focused either on union government
relations or on internal union politics. This work is distinguished
by its attempt to reveal the interrelation between these two facets
of working-class life within a peculiar type of socio-economic
environment - a predominantly peasant society governed by an elite
committed to a capitalist economic strategy, closely associated
with an 'external estate' of foreign interests, intertwined with
local business concerns, and deeply involved in clientelist
politics. Professor Sandbrook demonstrates that Frantz Fanon's
sketch of the role of the unionised workers in an economically
dependent former colony is largely correct in its application to
Kenya. Top union leaders, drawn from the more privileged
occupations, receiving relatively high rewards, and understandably
apprehensive of the sanctions wielded by the ruling elite, have
generally seen their role as obtaining a larger share of the
economic pie for the workers within the capitalist political
economy.
We all know that many African countries face political tyranny,
failed capitalist development, and violent domestic conflict. What
is less clear is what relationship may exist between effective
democratic institutions and the solution of the last two problems.
In exploring this question, Richard Sandbrook draws on the
experience with democratization of a carefully selected sample of
countries: Ghana, Mali and Niger in West Africa; Zambia, Tanzania
and Madagascar in East Africa; and Sudan. He illustrates the
diversity of African experiences of the transition to democratic
political forms and the complex relationships between democratic
institutions and economic reform and social order. He concludes
that the ultimate value of democratic institutions lies in whether
they lead to economic progress and social justice and peace. One
obstacle is that social democratic policies of real benefit to
ordinary people appear impracticable under current conditions of
neo-liberal globalization.
The waning of the Cold War means that major political powers no
longer feel compelled to support African authoritarianism. Revised
official consensus holds that, in Africa as elsewhere, political
reform must accompany economic adjustment. According to this view,
African recovery requires a reduction in the size and economic role
of monopolistic and inefficient states, and their transformation
into accountable liberal democracies. Is this a desirable and
practicable political programme? Certainly, all over Africa the
number of liberal democracies is growing. But can they survive and
are they compatible with renewed economic growth? Richard Sandbrook
answers these questions, and assesses the feasibility of the new
political programme in reinforcing Africa's economic recovery. He
argues that the programme has merit in the short term, but, in the
longer term, a more self-reliant, state-directed approach should be
adopted to ensure prosperity and durable democracy in the region.
The waning of the Cold War means that major political powers no
longer feel compelled to support African authoritarianism. Revised
official consensus holds that, in Africa as elsewhere, political
reform must accompany economic adjustment. According to this view,
African recovery requires a reduction in the size and economic role
of monopolistic and inefficient states, and their transformation
into accountable liberal democracies. Is this a desirable and
practicable political programme? Certainly, all over Africa the
number of liberal democracies is growing. But can they survive and
are they compatible with renewed economic growth? Richard Sandbrook
answers these questions, and assesses the feasibility of the new
political programme in reinforcing Africa's economic recovery. He
argues that the programme has merit in the short term, but, in the
longer term, a more self-reliant, state-directed approach should be
adopted to ensure prosperity and durable democracy in the region.
African states are not, in any real sense, capitalist states. Elsewhere, the state has played a crucial role in facilitating capitalist expansion, but in postcolonial Africa one finds a form of neopatrimonialism - personal rule - that introduces a variety of economic irrationalities. Productive economic activities are impeded by the political instability, systemic corruption and maladminstration associated with personal rule. In extreme cases, a downward spiral of political-economic decline is set in motion that is difficult to halt and reverse. Is personal rule simply a euphemism for ineptitude and mismanagement? The authors argue that it is not; it operates according to a particular political rationality that shapes a ruler’s actions when, in the absence of legitimate authority, he is confronted with the challenge of governing an unintegrated peasant society. Neopatrimonialism is essentially an adaptation of colonial-inspired political institutions to peculiar historical and social conditions. This book focuses on the political factor as an important cause of Africa’s economic ills. It analyses the social conditions impelling political adaptation and the consequences of personal rule for economic life, and surveys creative responses to the predicament African people now face.
This book offers a fresh appraisal of the nature and significance
of the democratic left in the Global South. The moral and
intellectual leadership of the left is shifting south from its
European birthplace. It is in the Global South, and most notably in
Latin America, that one finds newly self-confident progressive
movements. This 'new' democratic left includes parties and social
movements that not only are avoiding the familiar pitfalls that
ensnared socialists and social democrats in the twentieth century,
but also are coping with the realities of the twenty-first century,
especially neoliberal globalization. In analyzing and illustrating
three innovative strategies - moderate social democracy, radical
social-democratic transition to socialism, and Left populism - this
study nudges the debate about the Left out of the well-worn grooves
into which it has fallen in recent decades.
Social Democracy in the Global Periphery focuses on
social-democratic regimes in the developing world that have, to
varying degrees, reconciled the needs of achieving growth through
globalized markets with extensions of political, social and
economic rights. The authors show that opportunities exist to
achieve significant social progress, despite a global economic
order that favours core industrial countries. Their findings derive
from a comparative analysis of four exemplary cases: Kerala
(India), Costa Rica, Mauritius and Chile (since 1990). Though
unusual, the social and political conditions from which these
developing-world social democracies arose are not unique; indeed,
pragmatic and proactive social-democratic movements helped create
these favourable conditions. The four exemplars have preserved or
even improved their social achievements since neoliberalism emerged
hegemonic in the 1980s. This demonstrates that certain
social-democratic policies and practices - guided by a democratic
developmental state - can enhance a national economy's global
competitiveness.
Social Democracy in the Global Periphery focuses on
social-democratic regimes in the developing world that have, to
varying degrees, reconciled the needs of achieving growth through
globalized markets with extensions of political, social and
economic rights. The authors show that opportunities exist to
achieve significant social progress, despite a global economic
order that favours core industrial countries. Their findings derive
from a comparative analysis of four exemplary cases: Kerala
(India), Costa Rica, Mauritius and Chile (since 1990). Though
unusual, the social and political conditions from which these
developing-world social democracies arose are not unique; indeed,
pragmatic and proactive social-democratic movements helped create
these favourable conditions. The four exemplars have preserved or
even improved their social achievements since neoliberalism emerged
hegemonic in the 1980s. This demonstrates that certain
social-democratic policies and practices - guided by a democratic
developmental state - can enhance a national economy's global
competitiveness.
Closing the Circle is a provocative, sober analysis of the
struggles to construct democracy in Africa. Well-known African
Studies scholar Richard Sandbrook argues that Africa's problems
will not be solved until order is created. And in the creation of
order, politics is primary. In this his eighth book on Africa,
Sandbrook explores the realities and possibilities of democracy in
Africa. He argues for the necessity of a "virtuous" and
self-reinforcing circle of civil and political rights, growing
prosperity, and state renovation. In the end, says Sandbrook,
Africa's tragedy is that external as well as internal constraints
operate--and that both require attention. He makes a radical call
for a supportive social-democratic reform of globalization.
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