Described as a docu-drama rather than a novel because of the extent of its fact-based storyline and material; in re-creating the milieu of a city, James Furner has achieved for the Berlin of the post-War period what Christopher Isherwood achieved for the Berlin of 30 years before. This is a realistic drama on an epic scale, set in Berlin immediately prior to the building of the wall, which was to divide the city for three decades. Packed with humorous observations, it is a poignant story of true love intercepted by the political conflict and intrigues of the East-West power blocs. In retrospect it takes the form of a historical novel of the most authentic type: i.e. not based on an imaginative reconstruction of the past, but drawing on detailed diary entries, and the author's immediate report of strongly felt personal events, resurrected for publication after a period of almost 50 years. Few novels appear on such a grand scale as this: what begins as an inauspicious chance meeting in an East Berlin art shop leads to an adventure exploring the many social and psychological aspects characterising the division of a great European capital. It is an encyclopaedia of the soul of a city; unlikely again to be described so comprehensively or in such depth. It is as much a political novel as a love drama, especially in so far as the former impacts so heavily on the outcome of the latter. For all these reasons, the question has to be asked: if the 10 greatest true love stories of the 20th century were to be listed, then would this need to be included amongst their number? Perhaps most striking is the immediacy of its style in describing characters and events, for this contributes a compassion and authenticity more reminiscent of a memoir than a work of fiction. Is this book more correctly described as a novel or reportage? Only the reader can decide. The fact remains that this is a new and exciting literary genre, developed for most vividly telling a story which has to be told.

In this age of uncertainty, there is the need for ideas that transcend the limitations of party political, or left/right thinking, in resolving the unprecedented problems of our time. Technological Civilisation is here presented as a focal point for a fresh perspective of both national and international issues. The tensions between America and China indicate the possibility of a new Cold War, and this would be disastrous for the planet in diverting attention away from the cooperation needed in attending to climate change and other threats to the environment. In the countries of the West, democracy as we know it is beginning to disintegrate. This is made evident through the collapse of voting figures and party memberships, as well as a spirit of disillusion. There are some topics which politicians are loathed to address, and in the sphere of the approaching environmental crisis, the population explosion is the most prominent. Leading scientists have clearly demonstrated, that even if all efforts are put towards reversing climate change through maximising renewable energy sources, unless population control is achieved on a sufficient level, all will be in vain. The population question is probably pushed ahead to a greater degree in this book than will be found elsewhere as a topic for public debate. In concentrating on Technological Civilisation, it is possible to discern the inter-connection of problems, and this leads to constructive proposals for the regeneration of democracy, the reform of the financial-industrial system, and the emergence of an upwardly mobile and free egalitarian society.

Problems confronting the financial-industrial system, or the ills of the casino economy, have never been more urgent than they are today. This is because debt has reached unprecedented levels in threatening the future of us all, and leading commentators have concluded that it is not a question of if but when the next banking crash occurs. Financial issues are compounded by the fact that the left/right conflict through which democracy has long resolved political issues is now failing as a medium in advancing progress. This has more easily allowed raw financial power to neuter democracy and take over party systems across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, a new middle majority is emerging in displacing the middle and working classes that once predominated in society, and this has led to the collapse of old-established party memberships and voting figures. A positive outcome of these social changes is a more open society that is not prepared to tolerate the secret world of the great corporations, or to accept the word of their politicians in allaying fears for the future. This book presents a critique of both Neoliberalism or so-called privatisation or unconstrained free market forces, and left-leaning ideas on the management of business. In repudiating the principles of both left and right, the author, who is broadly experienced in the spheres of both industry and politics, calls for a new approach in building an economy that is fair and successful in creating a dynamic business culture. This is to be achieved through prioritising commercially viable productivity over the pull of rentier or usurious tendencies that limit output. These principles, based on the empirical evidence of our toughest industrial competitors in the Post-War period, are designed to unify the socio-economic interests of the emerging 90% majority. The phony economy has had its day for too long. Now is the time to promote the real economy.

This is not only a travel book but a thought-provoking documentary on inter-cultural relationships between the different races and nationalities comprising the huge expatriate population and native Arab residents of the oil-rich peninsula. The many characters portrayed, presented in a variety of authentic stories encountered by the author on his travels, are centred around the horrific event of a public stoning in Saudi Arabia. Some of the stories have a humorous flavour, but all are concerned with the human problems - many of them poignant - of expatriates and Arabs alike, living cheek by jowl in a society of gaping contrasts. It would be simplistic to interpret the book as merely a critique of the harsher aspects of Arab life from a Western perspective, for in the cause of future concord, the author calls for a dialogue between the cultures of the Middle East and the West in the name of social justice and modernisation. The present strains, in what has become a multi-cultural society following the influx of millions, mostly from the Third World, anticipates the possibility of trouble in the future. The status of women is highlighted and discussed in several dramatic episodes, and a compassionate view is taken of Asian guest workers in the light of their widespread mistreatment in the Gulf. The rigidity of tradition would seem not merely to prevent the development of a modem mind-set, but in the perceived threat of Westernisation, to trigger an even more regressive attitude, as is shown clearly in this book. But note is also taken of the Arab outlook on the Western world, together with their horror of Western liberal values, and their passionate arguments for resisting change are recorded in detail. An element of suspense and mystery is maintained throughout the book as the execution of the condemned victim progresses through the narrative, only interrupted by recollections of other personalities and the stories surrounding them. Is the condemned person male or female? And what was the offence? No prior information is posted by the authorities on the public punishment or execution of offenders. The attitude of many readers to the horrific episode may change considerably as the tme facts leading up to the execution are revealed towards the end of the book.

Ron Evans was probably the most notorious Soviet spy of British nationality working out of Scandinavia in the post-War era. Here, for the first time, the full story of the Ron Evans spy case is told in all its drama and excitement as it occurred in the mid-1960s. Whilst on the one hand Ron Evans was a leading radio engineer with a brilliant intellect, working on sensitive defence contracts; on the other, he was a determined and deft conspirator, manipulating a wide circle of oddly assorted people to achieve his illicit ends. KGB and MI6 agents play a prominent part in this account of seething conflict, an assassination attempt, and death; and only now, in deference to the spirit of the Thirty Year rule and its equivalent application on the international scale, is it possible to reveal the true facts behind this Cold War drama. Many nationalities and colourful individuals, including diplomats and an eccentric Finnish aristocrat, were involved in the complex intrigue surrounding Ron Evans' underhand activities. The author, who unwittingly found himself in conflict with the Soviet agent, was by a curious set of circumstances led into the role of spy-hunter, which eventually led to the arrest and conviction of Ron Evans. But that was not the end of the story. Worse was to follow. Due to an unfortunate set of events, an MI6 agent who was implicated in a counter-plot, found that his cover was blown, and following his capture and arrest by the authorities of a neutral power, Britain's entire Scandinavian intelligence network came crashing down. Despite the seriousness of the subject matter the author's observations are often filled with ironic comedy and ridicule.

The Islamic threat is possibly the most disturbing political issue of our time, as it impacts on the fears of so many ordinary people. The propagation of puritanical Wahabism, through the oil 'wealth of the Gulf States, ensures that its ideology is spread worldwide as the most influential force in the world today. The entire thinking and life-style of Muslims is dictated by religious demands to the exclusion of anything regarded as profane. Such a mind-set established by the Prophet Mohammed and his followers, is long enshrined in tradition, and remains to the present day. Hence God is the single authority and his commands are interpreted through holy text alone. It is the exclusion of a secular dimension, with its appeal to independent reason that defines Islam as a totalitarian movement. The problem in the non-Islamic world, especially in Western Europe, is the penetration of nation states by a proselytising religious totalitarianism on democratic societies. The variety of means in attempting to achieve this, and the subtlety of the methods, is the subject of this book. The main objection of non-Muslims to the penetration of their culture is the creation of pseudo-legal structures, or a state within the state, e.g., their own parliament," or the announcement of no-go zones, or the establishment of Sharia courts with no legal authority. The resistance of Muslims to the idea of integration leaves them with two alternatives only: either they must create their own mini-states within the state, or else they must attempt by subtler means to seize control of leading administrative institutions. Muslims in Britain are engaged in both the above alternatives, as witnessed by their numbers and close cooperation in both Houses of Parliament, and their power in local government councils nationwide. Through a sociological and objective approach that appreciates the religious priorities of Islamic people, this book attempts to find a harmonious middle path to ensure a lasting concord between two contrasting civilisations.

Democracy understood as people power, which is the only proper definition of the word, is put forward in this book as the panacea for resolving the most pressing issues of our time. But democracy as a practicable system hinges on many conditions which are seldom appreciated by our world leaders, international institutions, or relevant bodies of learning. The evolution of democracy as a system of government and way of life, and the problems to which the former gives rise is broadly discussed by the author. Of most significance are those situations, in both East and West, when democracy is ideologically used as a cover for ulterior purposes. It is powerfully argued that the left/right divide which for 200 years has served as the rationale for advancing social progress in sustaining democracy is now destroying it, as partly witnessed through the collapse of both party memberships and voting figures in most advanced industrial economies. This has occurred through the transformation of society and the world of work over the past 60 years, and has left our parliamentary representatives trapped in a time-warp of the past in their inability to meet the actuality of contemporary issues. It is clearly shown, through a variety of reasons, that democracy as an all-inclusive system of government is only workable within the nation state. This partly explains the crises of the EU, and the shortcomings of the UN's Security Council. The greatest threat to democracy, since it limits the power of the nation state to carry through electoral promises, is international finance and transnational corporations, which are unaccountable to any responsible authority and liable to bring economic catastrophe in their wake. This is a book which seeks to empower our national politicians, irrespective of party, so they may more effectively represent the interests of their electorates. A way must be found for our politicians to resolve their predicament, even though it may entail a shift in their attitudes and ideals.

Few books evoke the private life of an era, as it was in England between 1935 and 1954, with such clarity, as this autobiography. And it is only through such an intimate memoir that the hidden aspects of an age - so often lost to future generations - may be revealed as social history. It comprises the "confession" of a prolific author, with all his thoughts and feelings, and no attempt to conceal his faults or failings. Whilst his happiest memories were as an evacuee at his grandparents' home in Wiltshire, his return to the dreaded London home brought brutal corporal punishment and periods of misery in a rigidly religious environment. But on being sent to a well-established boarding school, he went unknowingly from the frying pan to the fire, where he endured horrifying ritual torture and permanent physical injuries. He subsequently went to a North London public school, and although was never to be bullied again, was witness to, and partly implicated in anti-Semitism as a pre-teenager at the time of the British-Israeli conflict in Palestine. He was to complete his formal education in a liberal co-educational school in Hampstead under the inspiration and sound values of a brilliant teaching staff. During his mid-teenage years, he was involved in a hopeless and self-destructive love for a film star, eventually leading to gestures - if not attempts - at suicide and murder, and this led inevitably to the disruption of his formal academic achievement. The psychological crisis led to a split between two sides of his family as to his future direction at the end of full-time education. The book could not have been written unless the author had kept a detailed journal and diaries which were recovered from an attic, and read for the first time after a period of 60 years. The narrative which is filled with humour and ironic observations, and a host of colourful characters, concludes with a description of his life in an old-established solicitors' office. It is only in these final chapters, prior to National Service, that he began to regain his sanity.

This is a penetrating study of many aspects of life, thought, and everyday existence in Scandinavia, as experienced through the author's 9-year residence in the enlightened far north in the 1960s. Robert Corfe is primarily known as a thought-provoking writer of books published in the 21st century, but this work comprises a selection of his articles published in the Finnish press, popular magazines, and learned journals in the 1960s. The collected articles are put into context for a contemporary readership by a lively introductory chapter entitled, Seeing The Future Through The Past, which describes how Scandinavia was 50 years in advance of Britain in terms of political thinking and social development. And now Britain has caught up and shares in the benefits and also the dis-benefits of a modernised technological society. Of considerable interest are the articles on British society and its problems, as viewed through the eyes of a British resident acclimatised to the cultural environment of Finnish life.The articles reflect clearly the development of the author's political ideas on the need for a classless society in more effectively contributing to communal prosperity and internal harmony. The Scandinavians' enviable policy of neutrality and disengagement from the conflicts of the great power blocs in achieving national security is highlighted as contributing to the happiness of their people. In view of an impending new Cold War between Russia and the West, the arguments developed are perhaps of greater significance today than when they were formulated more than 40 years ago. Many of these ideas were to be given greater depth in the author's major works published many years later in the 21st century. Perhaps most entertaining in this collection is the delicious satirical story, What The Watchdog Saw, a savage attack on the absurdities of the British far left as well as those of the far right. As a percipient introduction to the mindset of the enlightened Scandinavian people, based on both scholarship and personal experience, this book could hardly be bettered for such a purpose.

Socialism and the mindset of the traditional left have outlived their purpose. A new political philosophy is needed in the cause of creating a fair and egalitarian society for the peoples of our planet. This is a startling yet profound book which strikes at the foundations of established politics in the West. The author's conclusions are drawn from two directions: an analysis of the consequences of the transformation of society over the past 60 years in industrialised economies; and personal experiences as an activist, both locally and nationally, after 14 years within the Labour party. It is demonstrated that both the Labour party, and socialism in the wider world, is now counter-productive to its given purpose: i.e. it hinders rather than promotes the progress of the less fortunate people in our midst. The left is hampered by two great faults in its thinking and policy: its idolatrous commitment to collectivism, poisoning its good intentions; and its blind spot to the psychological need for the productive business instinct, described by the author as the missing "gene" of socialism.The author describes his attempts to modernise the Labour party and initiate free discussion, followed by the horrific experience of his public denunciation by an old stalwart "for writing without the authority of the party leadership. " This led to his resignation in 2008. Modern men and women are dependent on the promotion of a healthy individualism for personal success -- and certainly in maintaining a free society. It is shown how political ideas need to follow in the wake of social and technological progress, and not vice versa. When ideologies outgrow their purpose society regresses. The future calls for a new progressive politics of universal humanity; a repudiation of class conflict which compounds rather than resolves substantive issues; the syncretising of political interests of relevance to all humanity; and a return to the Enlightenment values of a former age. This is a book with a refreshing insight in brushing away the political cobwebs of the past.

The left/right confrontational system is coming to an end, since it is failing to further promote the interests of majorities worldwide. For 200 years it has acted as the linchpin of democracy, and politics is almost unthinkable without referring to the concepts of the Left or the Right. This book describes how the old confrontational system has fulfilled a vital function for the progress of humanity, but how in advanced industrial economies everywhere, it is now reaching the end of its useful purpose. This is not only reflected in the collapse of party memberships globally, but in the tendency of legislation and the executive to compound rather than resolve the issues of our age. Meanwhile, a new class is emerging in the advanced industrial world, which the author describes as the middle-middle 90 per cent plus majority. Because contemporary parties are trapped in a time-warp of the past, they are unable to represent the interests of this new majority. The most urgent political issue of our time - heightened by the debt-fuelled financial crisis - is the need to make the banking and corporate sectors socially responsible. This book outlines a practical strategy towards this end. Only when that is achieved will it be possible to address effectively such pressing issues as climate change. Over the past 60 years society and the world of work have been transformed out of all recognition. Whilst the world of actuality has raced ahead, political thought has lagged behind - unable to keep apace with the significance of real events. In the light of this situation, the author points to the necessity for a fresh approach to political thought in breaking the existing mould. New and more effective democratic mechanisms are needed to ensure a socially just and equitable society for a better future. Hence the now malign left/right concepts of the past must be repudiated forever.

In the world of the 90% heterogeneous middle-middle majority, which we find throughout the advanced industrialised economies in both East and West, all are equally affected by the major socio-economic issues of our time. This has resulted inevitably in eroding left/right (or class-based) politics as a relevant or useful tool for the future in advancing the cause of justice and equity. In this second volume of Robert Corfe's major work on Social Capitalism, he turns to examining the financial-industrial system and identifies issues, which are untouched by contemporary politicians across the political spectrum. Whilst politicians live in their own self-enclosed world of dated ideologies, the author highlights urgent and major problems which are significant for us all in the real world. Through a careful analysis of the underlying forces which directly affect the majority, he formulates a new political language, and in doing so, creates a fresh perspective and vision for the future. No people can hope to be free without capitalism, competition, and free consumer choice. But capitalism is not a single or monistic system as traditionally projected by the political establishment.As the author demonstrates, through both empirical evidence and the development of ideas, capitalism may be manifested as either a malign or benign influence on society. In this book the concept of Productive capitalism is promoted as the desirable path towards which peoples worldwide should strive. It is socially self-destructive Rentier capitalism, with its accumulation of wealth into ever fewer hands, and the polarisation of society, which needs to be opposed. But the political battles which lie ahead, in promoting a benign financial-industrial system, will be very different from those in the past, since it is an economic system which will need to be confronted rather than an identifiable sector of the community.

The transformation of society and the world of work, in the industrialised countries over the past 60 years, have overtaken political systems in the democratic world. The old left/right political divide, which has marked the pattern of socio-economic struggle since 1789, has now ceased to be a useful tool in advancing the progress of humanity. This book presents the new realities in the spheres of social life, as an introduction to the author's forthcoming 3-volume work on Social Capitalism, which concentrates on the shattering economic and political changes in the contemporary world. What is to be the future of society if it is to advance in any meaningful sense? If society is to be egalitarian and at the same time free, it will need to ditch the ideologies of the past which so inspired our forebears. The book opens with 6 chapters discussing the role of high culture in a society where class associations have been minimised and elitism takes on quite a different meaning. In an upwardly aspiring society, and under a changed educational system, the best would be available for all in the practical democracy of the future.There then follow 11 chapters on the nature of property, which is projected as an individual right in fulfilling psychological needs. The political consequences are that property is presented as something contradicting its concept as understood in the traditional thinking of left or right wing politics. The practical implications of property are considered in their different life situations in separate chapters. Democracy, real or illusory, is discussed in 7 chapters, and historical arguments are evoked in exploring the erroneous beliefs and myths on the nature of freedom. The book concludes with 12 important chapters analysing those adverse intellectual influences in the 20th century responsible for undermining constructive thought in enabling a better world.

The reform of the financial-industrial infrastructure cannot be undertaken without considering fully the political culture in which it exists. But such reforms can only best be initiated from within the capitalist system itself by those most technically competent to effect necessary change, and hence this book calls upon the business community to take such an initiative. Whilst the first volume of this work traced the development of the new majority and its potential readiness to promote desired change; and whilst the second volume laid out the theoretical basis for Social Capitalism and a new political consciousness; the third and final volume is concerned with the policies and practicalities of a Social Capitalist world. Part I of the present volume is concerned with the international dimension, and especially the Third world, and the need for its internal capitalisation and redefining the benefits of free trade, and the priority of environmental questions.Parts II and III are concerned with strategies for national prosperity on the macro-economic level in advanced industrial economies, and Part IV considers the reforms of the business enterprise in successfully integrating the common aims of employers and employed. Part V is an exercise in the critique of Rentier capitalism, comprising an expose of 43 leaders of major corporations, and Part VI concludes the work with a summary and analytical declaration of Social Capitalist values and aims. As this book clearly demonstrates, a free and democratic world cannot be achieved or maintained without the successful establishment of a Social Capitalist society which seeks to maximise the individual ownership and control of the means of production, distribution and exchange. Under different pseudonyms, Robert Corfe is also the author of 3 autobiographical works: Death In Riyadh (Geoff Carter) describing his life as a businessman in the Middle East in the 80s; My Conflict With A Soviet Spy (Eddie Miller) relating his adventures in Finland in the mid-60s; and, The Girl From East Berlin (James Furner) an epic novel relating his love affair in the old German capital at the end of the 50s.

A sociological study of populism as a major influence in undermining standards in many spheres of life, through false values promoted either through or resulting from political activity, etc., or through corporate marketing forces. The book is of particular relevance to educationalists with regard to its criticism of relativism and post-modernism.

In democracies throughout the industrialised world, political systems are everywhere beginning to unravel, and thinking people - even amongst our leaders - are uncertain of the reason why. Whilst most governments drive towards greater equity and justice, the reality is towards an opposite direction, and the greater polarisation of society. The author of this book points the blame on the failure to politicise the significant issues of our time. Party politics is ideologically trapped in the past, and is unable to grasp the realities of the present. Worse still, political systems throughout the democratic world are probably incapable of addressing the real threats which confront us. In this major 3-volume work, Robert Corfe argues that we need to politicise those issues raised by our financial-industrial system, and for this purpose he creates a new political vocabulary, and identifies the actual realities of politico-economic life today.The irrefutable fact is that our financial-industrial system is undermining democratic life and government, and our politicians (of all parties) are deluding themselves and their electorates when they helplessly put their trust in an optimistic outcome. Furthermore, the ideological (or pragmatic) approach of the old parties is unfitted to confront the crises of the future. This first volume explains the reason why, and shows how the emergence of the new majority, through the transformation of society, is sickened by the pattern of the old class conflicts which today are meaningless as a tool towards progress. Our leading statesmen- and women already have an inkling of this truth. This opening volume describes the new heterogeneous middle-middle majority, and how it comprises those who have climbed from proletarian origins, as well as those from the upper middle classes whose confidence and affluence have been broken on the wheel of egalitarian forces. Whilst an economic revolution has already been achieved, a new political consciousness still awaits the dawn.

Religion in many parts of the world, in both politics and personal life, for good or ill, is now exerting a greater influence than at any time in living memory. There is now not merely a cultural-religious confrontation between a worldwide Islam and what it sees as an affluent agnostic West, but the worrying rise of Christian fundamentalism in the most powerful nation on earth. And the latter has its distinctive political agenda. Part of this agenda entails a biased approach to the Israeli-Palestinian issue, but the most significant aspect of all religiously-inspired politics is self-righteousness, and the explosive mix which this creates. These are situations which could never have been anticipated a generation ago when it was assumed that secularism had displaced the beliefs of the past as any longer of political significance. The attitude of many thinking people, in Europe and elsewhere, is to regard religion with askance whilst looking towards the growth of a greater secularism in resolving difficult issues. But such an approach is not an option. Religion is a natural component of human nature and is unlikely to be eradicated through modernism. Nonetheless, it is necessary to distinguish between the benign and malign aspects of religion and those of the different churches. Through surveying the traditions of the major religions in today's world it is shown that those based on revelation too often tend towards a tenacity of belief which leads to irrationalism and then, in turn, to fanaticism. When this mutates into political power it creates a dangerous cocktail which may affect us all, as we have seen with 9/11, and later with the bombings in London, Madrid, Bali, and elsewhere. Such threats can only be met by reverting to the language of those who claim the authority of God. And that means confronting religion with religion. But such a challenge needs to come from an over-arching religion without falsehood, or from the rational belief system of deism which seeks to unify all those of goodwill under the umbrella of an ethical religious consciousness. This book therefore presents a vision for a regenerated deism for the 21st century in helping resolve the most difficult conflicts of our time. The futility of political confrontation, through a dualistic view of the world, must be met by a new moral order amongst majorities everywhere in bringing greater peace and security to our planet.